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In the first post of this series, we traced the roots of the oppressor/oppressed lens to the Combahee River Collective, Paulo Freire, and Kimberlé Crenshaw, who gave us tools like intersectionality to understand systemic injustice. We also saw how Freire’s focus on class consciousness prioritized ideological awakening over factual learning, setting the stage for a binary moral framework. Today, this lens is everywhere—on X, in workplaces, in classrooms—shaping how we judge right from wrong. But as it’s gone mainstream, it’s often been stretched beyond its original purpose, turning a tool for analysis into a blunt moral weapon. In this post, we’ll explore how thinkers like Judith Butler, Robin DiAngelo, and John McWhorter reveal the lens’s strengths and its modern misuses, showing why it falls short as a universal moral guide.
The Lens in Action: From Insight to Ideology
The oppressor/oppressed lens is powerful because it names systemic harms—like racism, sexism, or classism—that shape daily life. It’s why a Black woman like Maya, from our last post, can use intersectionality to explain her unique workplace barriers. But as the lens has spread, it’s often applied in ways that oversimplify complex realities, fostering division over dialogue. Three thinkers help us unpack this shift: Judith Butler, who shows the fluidity of power; Robin DiAngelo, who mainstreamed the lens but risks coercive moralism; and John McWhorter, who critiques its dogmatic turn.
Judith Butler: Power and Performativity
Judith Butler’s groundbreaking work, particularly Gender Trouble (1990), challenges the idea of fixed identities within the oppressor/oppressed framework. Butler argues that gender is not a static trait but a performance—something we “do” through repeated social acts, shaped by power structures. For example, a woman might feel pressure to act “feminine” to avoid judgment, reinforcing societal norms. This performativity extends to other identities, like race or class, showing how power operates dynamically, not just through rigid categories of oppressor or oppressed.
Butler’s ideas enrich the lens by revealing how oppression is sustained through everyday practices, not just top-down systems. But they also complicate it. If identities are fluid and constructed, the binary of oppressor vs. oppressed can feel too simplistic. For instance, a white woman might face sexism (oppression) while benefiting from racial privilege (oppressor status). Butler’s work suggests that power shifts with context, yet the lens is often applied as a static moral rule, ignoring this nuance. On X, you might see someone labeled “privileged” based on one identity, erasing the complexity Butler highlights.
Robin DiAngelo: Mainstreaming the Lens, Repopularizing Struggle Sessions
Robin DiAngelo’s White Fragility (2018) brought the oppressor/oppressed lens to a wider audience by framing systemic racism as an everyday reality. She argues that white people, by virtue of their race, uphold oppression through unconscious biases and defensive reactions (like discomfort when discussing racism). Her work popularized the idea that oppression isn’t just overt acts but subtle behaviors—like a white manager overlooking Maya for a promotion without realizing why. By making systemic issues accessible, DiAngelo urged people to examine their role in oppression, a valuable step for many.
But DiAngelo’s approach has serious flaws, particularly in how it’s applied in workshops and trainings. Her methods often resemble modern-day “struggle sessions,” where participants are pressured to publicly confess their moral failings—like admitting to “white privilege” or “unconscious racism”—to prove their commitment to justice. In a typical DiAngelo-inspired DEI session, employees might be asked to share personal biases in front of colleagues, creating a high-stakes environment where refusal risks being labeled “fragile” or complicit. Critics, including John McWhorter, argue this echoes the coercive self-criticism of Maoist struggle sessions, prioritizing performative guilt over genuine learning. By focusing on group identity (e.g., “whiteness”) as inherently oppressive, DiAngelo’s framework reduces people to moral categories, sidelining individual actions or context. This not only alienates participants—imagine a low-income white worker being told to “check their privilege”—but also stifles dialogue, as dissent is framed as denial. Like Freire’s ideological focus, DiAngelo’s lens emphasizes awareness over solutions, turning moral inquiry into a ritual of confession.
John McWhorter: The Dogmatic Turn
John McWhorter, in Woke Racism (2021), takes aim at the lens’s modern misuse, arguing it’s become a performative ideology that stifles progress. He contends that the oppressor/oppressed framework, when applied dogmatically, fosters a “religion-like” moralism where dissent is heresy. For example, on X, a user might be “canceled” for questioning a social justice claim, not because they’re wrong but because they’re seen as defending “oppressor” views. McWhorter argues this shuts down debate and alienates potential allies, like people who support racial justice but disagree with specific tactics.
McWhorter doesn’t dismiss systemic oppression—he acknowledges its reality—but critiques how the lens prioritizes moral purity over solutions. In a workplace, a DEI trainer might focus on calling out “microaggressions” without offering ways to address structural issues, like hiring biases. This echoes Butler’s insight: power is complex and contextual, not a simple binary. McWhorter’s critique shows how the lens, when rigid, becomes less about understanding and more about signaling virtue, amplifying the coercive dynamics DiAngelo’s methods often foster.
Why It Falls Short
Butler, DiAngelo, and McWhorter reveal the oppressor/oppressed lens’s double edge. Butler shows that power and identity are too fluid for a binary framework. DiAngelo’s mainstreaming makes oppression visible but risks coercive moralism, repopularizing struggle session-like practices that prioritize guilt over dialogue. McWhorter warns that dogmatic applications turn the lens into a divisive ideology. Together, they suggest that while the lens can illuminate systemic wrongs, it often fails to navigate the messy, contextual nature of human morality. When it’s used to judge people as “good” or “bad” based on identity—like in viral X posts or rigid DEI programs—it shuts down the very dialogue it once sparked.
What’s Next?
The oppressor/oppressed lens is a vital tool, but its modern applications, from DiAngelo’s struggle sessions to social media pile-ons, show its limits as a moral guide. In the next post, we’ll dig deeper into those limits with insights from bell hooks and Joe L. Kincheloe, exploring how the lens can foster division over solidarity. Then, we’ll propose a more nuanced framework for navigating morality. What are your experiences with this lens in today’s world? Share them in the comments—I’d love to hear your thoughts.
Sources: Judith Butler’s Gender Trouble (1990), Robin DiAngelo’s White Fragility (2018), John McWhorter’s Woke Racism (2021).

In today’s polarized world, the oppressor/oppressed lens shapes how we talk about morality, justice, and power. From social media to workplaces, this framework—dividing society into oppressors (those with power) and oppressed (those without)—is often used to judge right from wrong. It’s a powerful tool, rooted in the struggles of marginalized groups, but is it enough to guide our moral decisions in a complex society? In this blog series, I’ll argue that while the oppressor/oppressed lens has been vital for naming injustice, it falls short as a universal moral compass. Over the next few posts, we’ll explore its origins, its modern applications, its limitations, and what a better framework might look like.
Where It All Began: The Roots of the Lens
The oppressor/oppressed lens emerged from thinkers and activists who sought to understand systemic inequality. One of its earliest articulations came from the Combahee River Collective, a group of Black feminist activists in 1977. In their groundbreaking statement, they argued that Black women faced “interlocking” oppressions—race, gender, class, and sexuality—that couldn’t be separated. Their work inspired the concept of intersectionality, a term coined by Kimberlé Crenshaw in 1989.
What Is Intersectionality?
Intersectionality is the idea that different forms of oppression (like racism, sexism, or classism) don’t exist in isolation—they overlap and compound each other. Crenshaw used the metaphor of a traffic intersection: a Black woman standing at the crossroads of race and gender faces dangers from multiple directions, often ignored by systems that focus on only one form of discrimination. Intersectionality asks us to see how identities interact to shape unique experiences of privilege or marginalization.
A Real-World Example
Consider a Black woman named Maya applying for a tech job. She’s highly qualified but faces rejection. A hiring manager might unconsciously favor candidates who fit a “tech bro” stereotype (often white and male). Maya’s race and gender intersect, creating barriers that neither a white woman nor a Black man might face to the same degree. If she complains, HR might dismiss her concerns, saying the company is “diverse” because it hires women or Black men. This misses how Maya’s specific experience—being both Black and a woman—shapes her reality. Intersectionality helps us understand and address these layered injustices.
Around the same time as the Combahee River Collective, Brazilian educator Paulo Freire was shaping the oppressor/oppressed lens through his 1970 book, Pedagogy of the Oppressed. Freire argued that oppression dehumanizes both the oppressed and the oppressor, and liberation comes through “critical consciousness”—understanding and challenging power structures. His problem-posing education model encouraged dialogue to awaken learners to their class-based oppression, rejecting the “banking model” where students passively absorb facts. However, Freire’s focus on class consciousness has drawn criticism. By prioritizing ideological awakening, his methods often de-emphasize factual knowledge and rigorous, open-ended critical thinking. Critics argue that his approach risks replacing one form of dogma with another, steering learners toward a Marxist view of oppression rather than fostering truly independent analysis. While empowering, Freire’s framework laid the groundwork for a binary lens that can oversimplify complex moral realities.
These thinkers made the oppressor/oppressed lens a revolutionary tool for giving voice to those silenced by racism, sexism, and classism. But even then, its binary framing—amplified by Freire’s ideological focus—had limits, often overlooking the messy realities of human experience.
Intersectionality Today: Misuse and Oversimplification
Intersectionality and the oppressor/oppressed lens are now mainstream, from corporate diversity trainings to online activism. But as they’ve spread, they’ve often been misused in ways that undermine their original purpose. In some settings, intersectionality is reduced to a checklist of identities—race, gender, sexuality—used to rank people as “more oppressed” or “less oppressed.” On social media, this can turn into a kind of moral one-upmanship, where individuals are judged not by their actions but by their demographic categories. For example, a viral X post might call out someone as “privileged” based solely on their race or gender, ignoring their personal struggles or context. This flattens intersectionality’s nuance into a rigid hierarchy of victimhood.
In corporate or academic spaces, the lens is sometimes applied dogmatically. Take a workplace DEI (Diversity, Equity, Inclusion) workshop: employees might be told to “check their privilege” based on broad categories like whiteness or maleness, without considering class, disability, or other factors. This can alienate people who might otherwise support justice efforts, fostering resentment instead of understanding. By treating the oppressor/oppressed lens as a moral absolute, these applications risk shutting down dialogue and oversimplifying complex issues.
The misuse of intersectionality doesn’t negate its value—it’s still a vital tool for understanding layered injustices like Maya’s. But when it’s wielded as a blunt instrument, it can divide rather than unite, turning a framework for empathy into a tool for judgment. This is why we need to question the oppressor/oppressed lens as a universal moral guide.
What’s Next?
The oppressor/oppressed lens, with intersectionality at its core and Freire’s class focus as a foundation, was born from real struggles. But its ideological roots and modern misapplications show it’s not the whole story. In the next post, we’ll explore how the lens is used today, drawing on thinkers like Robin DiAngelo and John McWhorter. Then, we’ll dig into its deeper limitations with insights from bell hooks and Joe L. Kincheloe. Finally, we’ll propose a more nuanced way to navigate morality in a complex world.
Have thoughts or experiences with intersectionality or the oppressor/oppressed lens? Share them in the comments—I’d love to hear your perspective.
Sources: Combahee River Collective Statement (1977), Paulo Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed (1970), Kimberlé Crenshaw’s “Mapping the Margins” (1989), Peter Roberts’ “Paulo Freire and the Politics of Education” (1999).

In our first post, we defined media narratives and propaganda, revealing how stories shape our reality. In the second, we explored how narratives are built, using Saul Alinsky’s tactics and the Yes Men’s BP hoax as examples. Now, we put it all together with a popular, obvious narrative: Climate Change. This story dominates Western media, influencing everything from policy to personal habits. But how was it constructed? And where does it cross into propaganda? Let’s dissect it using the tools we’ve learned—selection, framing, and amplification—and see the process in action.
Selection: Cherry-Picking the Crisis
Media narratives begin with selection: choosing which facts, events, or voices to highlight. In climate coverage, this often means spotlighting alarming studies, extreme weather, or activist pleas while downplaying nuance. For instance, the 2018 IPCC report, “Global Warming of 1.5°C,” warned of catastrophic warming by 2030 if emissions aren’t drastically cut, making headlines globally (full report: https://www.ipcc.ch/sr15/). But less dire studies—like those suggesting adaptation potential or slower warming—rarely get the same attention. Similarly, every heatwave or hurricane is quickly linked to climate change, even when scientists caution against oversimplification.
This isn’t to say the selected facts are false; it’s that they’re curated. By consistently selecting alarming data, media primes us to see climate change as an immediate, existential threat, sidelining debates on solutions or trade-offs.
Framing: Crisis or Opportunity?
Next comes framing: presenting selected facts to suggest a specific interpretation. The dominant climate narrative frames the issue as a “crisis” or “emergency,” using emotive language (“climate catastrophe,” “last chance to save the planet”) and imagery (polar bears on melting ice). This framing casts climate change as a moral battle—good vs. evil, action vs. inaction. A 2019 article from The Guardian illustrates this, explaining the crisis narrative through charts and urgent rhetoric (full article: https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2019/sep/17/the-climate-crisis-explained-in-10-charts).
Alternative frames exist—like viewing climate change as an economic opportunity (green jobs) or a technological challenge (carbon capture)—but they’re less common. The crisis frame dominates because it’s emotionally charged, driving clicks, shares, and political pressure, making it irresistible to media outlets.
Amplification: Echoes Everywhere
Finally, amplification spreads the narrative through repetition and reach. The climate story is inescapable: 24/7 news cycles, celebrity endorsements (e.g., Leonardo DiCaprio), viral protests (Greta Thunberg’s “How dare you?”), and even product ads (“Buy green to save the planet”). Social media algorithms boost emotional content, ensuring the crisis frame goes viral. A New York Times piece explores how this amplification plays out online, with influencers and platforms magnifying the narrative (full article: https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/27/opinion/climate-change-social-media.html).
Amplification also creates a self-reinforcing loop where the narrative aligns with cultural values (e.g., environmentalism) and institutional goals (e.g., green investments). Even counter-narratives—like climate skepticism or adaptation-focused approaches—struggle to break through, as media gatekeepers and algorithms favor the dominant story.
When Narrative Becomes Propaganda
So, is the climate narrative propaganda? Not inherently—it’s based on real science and concerns. But its construction can cross into propaganda when it becomes one-sided or manipulative. For example:
- Half-Truths: Highlighting worst-case scenarios while ignoring scientific uncertainties or mitigation successes.
- Out-of-Context Facts: Linking every weather event to climate change without noting that extreme weather predates industrialization.
- Decision Dilemmas: Politicians or corporations are trapped—deny climate change and face ridicule, or embrace it and risk economic backlash.
The Columbia Journalism Review has analyzed this tipping point, discussing how climate coverage can blur into advocacy or manipulation (full article: https://www.cjr.org/covering_climate_now/climate-change-media-ethics.php). This doesn’t mean dismissing climate change; it means questioning how the story is told. Media can filter information to serve elite interests—here, perhaps pushing costly policies or green tech investments without full debate.
What We Learn—and How to Spot It
The climate narrative shows how selection, framing, and amplification work in concert to shape perception. But this isn’t unique to climate change. Every major story—from elections to pandemics—follows a similar process. The tools we’ve explored help you see the strings:
- Ask: What’s being highlighted, and what’s left out?
- Notice: How is the story framed—emotionally, morally, or factually?
- Track: Where is the narrative amplified, and who benefits?
By dissecting narratives like this, you reclaim your agency. You’re no longer a passive consumer but an active thinker, chasing the truth behind the stories we’re told.
Thank you for joining this series. Keep questioning, stay curious, and remember: the narrative isn’t the whole story.

In our first post, we defined media narratives as curated stories that shape how we see the world and propaganda as manipulative communication serving hidden agendas. But how are these narratives constructed? Who decides which stories dominate, and why? This second post in our series pulls back the curtain on narrative-building, revealing the deliberate strategies behind the stories we’re told. We’ll explore this through the lens of Saul Alinsky’s Rules for Radicals, Jacques Ellul’s insights on propaganda, and a bold real-world example: the Yes Men’s 2010 BP Bohai media hoax. Buckle up—it’s a masterclass in narrative construction.
The Anatomy of Narrative Construction
A media narrative isn’t an accident; it’s a calculated act of storytelling. At its core, narrative construction involves three steps:
- Selection: Choosing which facts, events, or voices to highlight (and which to ignore).
- Framing: Presenting those elements in a way that suggests a specific interpretation—think “heroic whistleblower” versus “reckless leaker.”
- Amplification: Spreading the narrative through repetition, emotional appeals, or media channels to cement it in the public’s mind.
These steps sound clinical, but they’re wielded with creativity and intent. Philosopher Jean Baudrillard, whom we met last time, might call this the creation of a “simulacrum”—a manufactured reality that feels truer than the truth. Whether it’s a news outlet framing a policy debate or an activist group staging a stunt, narrative-builders know their power lies in controlling the story.
Saul Alinsky’s Playbook for Narrative Control
Saul Alinsky, a legendary community organizer, laid out a blueprint for narrative construction in his 1971 book Rules for Radicals. Written to empower activists, his rules are equally instructive for understanding how media narratives are crafted. Three rules stand out:
- Rule 5: “Ridicule is man’s most potent weapon.” Alinsky argued that humor and mockery can discredit opponents and make a narrative stick. A well-placed jab can shift perceptions faster than a dry policy paper.
- Rule 6: “A good tactic is one your people enjoy.” Narratives thrive when they’re engaging—think viral memes or dramatic protests that capture attention and inspire sharing.
- Rule 9: “The threat is usually more terrifying than the thing itself.” Alinsky emphasized creating a decision dilemma, where the target faces a lose-lose choice: respond to a provocative narrative and risk amplifying it, or stay silent and let it fester. This traps opponents in a strategic bind, ensuring the narrative gains traction.
Alinsky’s rules aren’t just for activists; they’re used by corporations, governments, and media to shape stories. His focus on emotional resonance, engagement, and strategic dilemmas shows how narratives are planned to cut through noise and leave a lasting impression.
Jacques Ellul: Propaganda and Narratives as Inseparable
French philosopher Jacques Ellul, in his 1965 book Propaganda: The Formation of Men’s Attitudes, argued that in modern literate societies, propaganda and narratives are inseparable. Unlike crude posters or slogans, modern propaganda weaves itself into the fabric of media, education, and culture, shaping beliefs through subtle, pervasive stories. Ellul’s concept of “sociological propaganda” describes how narratives—say, the glorification of consumerism or national exceptionalism—emerge organically from societal structures, aligning public attitudes with institutional goals. In Western media, this means the line between a news narrative and propaganda often blurs: a story about economic growth might subtly reinforce corporate interests, even without overt lies. Ellul’s insight reminds us that narrative construction isn’t just tactical; it’s a systemic force we swim in daily.
The Yes Men and the BP Bohai Hoax: A Narrative in Action
Enter the Yes Men, activist-pranksters who weaponize Alinsky’s principles to expose corporate misdeeds. In 2010, amidst the BP Deepwater Horizon oil spill, they staged a media fiasco targeting BP’s lesser-known Bohai Bay spill in China. Posing as BP executives, they issued a fake press release announcing BP’s commitment to a massive cleanup fund—complete with a forged website and staged press conference. The media, hungry for a redemption story, initially took the bait, amplifying the hoax before realizing it was satire.
This stunt is a textbook case of narrative construction:
- Selection: The Yes Men chose the Bohai spill, a real but underreported event, to piggyback on the Deepwater Horizon outrage. This gave their fake story plausibility.
- Framing: They framed BP as suddenly contrite, promising billions for cleanup—a stark contrast to BP’s actual cost-cutting image. The absurdity (aligned with Alinsky’s ridicule rule) made the hoax memorable.
- Amplification: By mimicking BP’s branding and exploiting media trust in “official” sources, they ensured the story spread before being debunked. Even after the reveal, the narrative lingered: BP’s negligence was back in the spotlight.
The Yes Men also applied Alinsky’s decision dilemma (Rule 9). BP faced a trap: debunking the hoax drew more attention to their Bohai failures, while ignoring it let the narrative of corporate irresponsibility spread. Either way, the Yes Men’s story won. Their goal wasn’t just to prank; it was to craft a hyperreal narrative, as Baudrillard might say, that exposed corporate spin and forced a real conversation about accountability. Their success lay in understanding how media operates—outlets crave dramatic stories and rarely dig deep before publishing.
What We Learn—and What’s Next
The BP Bohai hoax shows that narratives are built with intent, whether by activists like the Yes Men or media giants. Alinsky’s rules and Ellul’s insights reveal the tactics and systemic forces at play: pick your moment, frame it with emotion, create dilemmas, and weave it into society’s fabric. But this isn’t just about pranks. Every day, Western media selects what to cover, frames it to fit editorial or commercial goals, and amplifies it through headlines and algorithms.
Next time, we’ll apply these lessons to a recent news story, dissecting how its narrative was constructed and what it reveals about media agendas. You’ll leave with practical tools to spot these tactics yourself. For now, ask: What narratives are grabbing my attention, and who’s behind them?
Curious for more? Stay tuned for the final part of this series as we unpack a real-world news cycle and keep chasing the truth together.

Jacques Ellul’s Definition of Propaganda Compared to Common Understanding
Jacques Ellul, in his seminal work Propaganda: The Formation of Men’s Attitudes (1962), presents a nuanced and expansive definition of propaganda that diverges significantly from its common understanding. Commonly, propaganda is perceived as deliberate, often deceptive messaging by governments or organizations to manipulate public opinion for political ends, such as wartime posters or authoritarian regime broadcasts. Ellul, however, redefines propaganda as a sociological phenomenon inherent to modern, literate, industrial societies, encompassing not only overt political campaigns but also subtle, pervasive influences embedded in media, culture, and technology. This essay contrasts the popular perception of propaganda as obvious, old-style war propaganda with its modern, subtler form, clarifying how propaganda works today by marrying truth to a lie, providing truth out of context, or being misleading in ways that mask the propagandist’s true intent.
The Common Perception: Old-Style Obvious War Propaganda
Most people envision propaganda as the blatant, heavy-handed messaging seen during wartime or under authoritarian regimes. This “old-style” propaganda includes iconic examples like World War I and II posters—think “Uncle Sam Wants You” or “Loose Lips Sink Ships”—or Nazi broadcasts demonizing enemies. These efforts were characterized by:
- Clear Intent: The goal was unmistakable, whether to boost morale, recruit soldiers, or vilify opponents.
- Emotional Appeals: Fear, patriotism, or anger were leveraged to provoke immediate reactions.
- Obvious Bias: Exaggerations, stereotypes, or outright lies made the manipulation evident to a critical observer.
This type of propaganda was easy to spot due to its overt nature and reliance on simplistic, often deceitful narratives. The common perception thus frames propaganda as a tool of specific historical moments—wars or dictatorships—rather than an ongoing, everyday phenomenon.
Modern Propaganda: A Carefully Curated Truth
In contrast, modern propaganda operates with far greater subtlety, blending truth and deception in ways that obscure its manipulative intent. Rather than relying on obvious lies, today’s propaganda is a “carefully curated truth” that passes without immediate recognition of the propagandist’s agenda. Jacques Ellul emphasizes that effective propaganda must resonate with reality, using facts as its foundation while shaping them to serve a specific purpose. Here’s how it works:
- Marrying Truth to a Lie: Facts are paired with distortions to create a compelling, yet misleading, narrative. For example, a political ad might highlight a candidate’s charitable donations (truth) while implying they single-handedly solved a social issue (lie), glossing over broader context.
- Truth Out of Context: Information is presented accurately but stripped of critical details. A news report might cover a protest by focusing solely on isolated acts of violence, ignoring the peaceful majority or underlying grievances, thus skewing public perception.
- Strategic Framing: Emotional appeals and selective emphasis guide interpretation. An advertisement might use scientific data—like “9 out of 10 dentists recommend”—without clarifying the sample size or methodology, nudging consumers toward a biased conclusion.
Unlike old-style propaganda, modern forms avoid outright falsehoods because they risk exposure in an information-rich world. Instead, they exploit trust in factual reporting, slipping past scrutiny by appearing credible. As Ellul notes, “Propaganda must be based on facts… but facts are not enough; they must be interpreted” (1962, p. 52). This curation ensures propaganda aligns with pre-existing beliefs, making it harder to challenge.
Examples of Modern Propaganda
- Media: A news outlet reports a politician’s speech verbatim but highlights only inflammatory snippets, shaping audience outrage while claiming objectivity.
- Advertising: A skincare brand touts a product’s “clinically proven” benefits, omitting that the study was small, biased, or inconclusive.
- Social Media: Viral posts share real statistics—like crime rates—but frame them to stoke fear or division, leaving out mitigating factors.
These tactics illustrate how modern propaganda thrives on partial truths, emotional resonance, and strategic omissions, distinguishing it from the blunt lies of wartime posters.
Propaganda’s Inseparability from Modern Society
Ellul argues that propaganda is not just a tool of specific actors but a sociological phenomenon inherent to literate, industrial societies. Several factors make it pervasive today:
- Information Overload: With mass media and digital platforms, people face too much data to process critically, relying on simplified narratives that propaganda provides.
- Literacy and Technology: Educated populations trust written or broadcast information, while advanced tools—like targeted ads or algorithms—amplify propaganda’s reach.
- Complexity of Life: Industrial societies create uncertainty, driving individuals to accept curated truths that offer clarity, even if manipulated.
Unlike the common view, which ties propaganda to deliberate campaigns, Ellul sees it as a structural feature of modernity, thriving in democracies as much as authoritarian states. “Propaganda is a necessity for the functioning of a technological society,” he writes (1962, p. 87), highlighting its role in managing mass attitudes.
Conclusion
The popular image of propaganda as obvious, old-style war messaging—think posters and wartime broadcasts—captures only a fraction of its reality. Jacques Ellul’s broader definition reveals propaganda as a subtle, pervasive force in modern society, where truth is curated, contextualized, or paired with deception to serve hidden agendas. By contrasting the overt manipulations of the past with today’s sophisticated blending of fact and misdirection, we see that propaganda’s power lies in its disguise: a “carefully curated truth” that slips past without examination. Understanding this shift invites us to question not just blatant lies, but the subtler influences shaping our world daily.
Works Cited: Ellul, Jacques. Propaganda: The Formation of Men’s Attitudes. Translated by Konrad Kellen and Jean Lerner, Vintage Books, 1973.

Harvard University released a comprehensive 300+ page report on April 29, 2025, titled the “Final Report of the Presidential Task Force on Combating Antisemitism and Anti-Israel Bias,” shedding light on systemic antisemitism and anti-Israel bias on campus. The investigation, initiated by President Alan Garber in January 2024, was spurred by a surge in bias incidents following the October 7, 2023, attack by Hamas on Israel and the subsequent war in Gaza. According to a Reuters article, the task force conducted around 50 listening sessions with approximately 500 students and employees, revealing “searing personal accounts” of discrimination . The report underscores a deeply rooted issue at one of America’s most prestigious institutions, prompting both internal reflection and external scrutiny.
The findings paint a troubling picture of campus life for Jewish and Israeli students, who faced hostility from peers, faculty, and administrators. The report details instances where Jewish students were asked to denounce Israel to be considered “one of the good ones,” while others were told their very presence was offensive. In academic settings, some were discouraged from sharing family stories involving Holocaust survivors if those stories mentioned Israel, with organizers deeming such narratives “not tasteful” and “inherently one-sided.” An NPR article notes that Harvard plans to address these issues by reviewing its academic offerings to ensure faculty promote intellectual openness and refrain from endorsing political positions that pressure students. These revelations highlight a culture of exclusion that has left many Jewish and Israeli students feeling ostracized and unsafe.
Harvard’s history provides critical context for understanding these modern challenges. In the 1920s, under President Abbott Lawrence Lowell, the university implemented admissions policies, including legacy preferences, explicitly designed to limit Jewish enrollment and preserve its white, Protestant demographic. A 2023 article from The Harvard Crimson explains that while legacy admissions were not officially codified, they were part of a broader effort to exclude Jewish students, with similar practices documented at peer institutions like Dartmouth and Yale during the same period. These historical policies, which persisted in various forms into the 1950s, reflect a legacy of discrimination that continues to cast a shadow over Harvard’s efforts to address contemporary antisemitism.
In response to the report, Harvard has committed to several reforms, though some argue they fall short of expectations. The university plans to review its admissions processes to evaluate applicants based on their ability to engage constructively with diverse perspectives, introducing a new application question about handling disagreements. Additionally, Harvard will implement mandatory antisemitism training for students and staff and expand academic offerings in Hebrew, Judaic, Arab, and Islamic studies. However, an NPR article notes that these measures do not fully align with the Trump administration’s demands, which include ending all admissions preferences based on race or national origin and adopting strict merit-based policies by August 2025 . President Garber has also promised to accelerate efforts to promote viewpoint diversity, though specifics remain unclear.
The report’s release coincides with broader challenges for Harvard, including a legal battle with the Trump administration over federal funding and allegations of international misconduct. The administration has frozen $2.2 billion in grants, citing Harvard’s alleged failure to address antisemitism, prompting the university to sue in response. Concurrently, a separate controversy has emerged: Harvard has been accused of violating U.S. sanctions by training officials from the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps (XPCC), a Chinese paramilitary group implicated in the oppression of Uyghurs, as late as October 2023. An NPR article highlights that these issues have intensified scrutiny on Harvard, positioning it as a focal point in the national debate over campus culture and academic integrity. Together, these developments underscore the complex and multifaceted challenges Harvard faces in addressing its past and present shortcomings.



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