Read the full text at the APA and think to yourself, when did the APA lose it’s mind?

 

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Let’s breakdown the claims and look at the evidence.  I think they are hitting the the gender-crackpipe and abandoning science and medical evidence shredding their credibility in the process.

### Claim 1: “APA’s organizational assessment and position are grounded in the best available science.”
**Refutation:**
– **Lack of Specificity:** The statement is vague and does not define what constitutes “the best available science.” Scientific consensus requires replication, rigorous methodology, and falsifiability, yet the APA often relies on studies with small sample sizes, self-reported data, or observational designs that lack controls (e.g., many transgender health studies cited later). These do not meet the gold standard of randomized controlled trials or longitudinal data with clear causal inference.
– **Ideological Influence:** The APA’s guidelines, such as the 2015 “Guidelines for Psychological Practice with Transgender and Gender Nonconforming People,” emphasize affirming gender identity without equally exploring alternative psychological explanations (e.g., co-occurring mental health conditions like body dysmorphia or autism spectrum traits, which are overrepresented in gender dysphoria cases—see Littman, 2018). This selective focus suggests a predetermined narrative rather than an impartial synthesis of evidence.
– **Counterpoint:** A truly scientific approach would weigh all hypotheses equally, including those questioning the affirmation-only model, rather than aligning with activist-driven frameworks like “gender-affirming care” without robust long-term outcome data.

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### Claim 2: “Sex is a biological characteristic determined by chromosome and reproductive anatomy (American Medical Association, 2021), and the assertion that only two sexes exist is not scientifically accurate. Approximately 1.7% of the world population is born with genital variations, known as differences in sex development (DSD) or variations in sex characteristics (VSC) (Esteban et al., 2023).”
**Refutation:**
– **Misrepresentation of Biology:** Sex is defined by gamete production (sperm or ova), a binary system in humans and all mammals (Lehtonen & Parker, 2014). Chromosomes (XX or XY) and reproductive anatomy align with this binary in over 99.98% of cases, per rigorous estimates (Sax, 2002). DSDs (e.g., Klinefelter syndrome, Turner syndrome) are medical conditions, not a third sex; individuals with DSDs still produce either sperm or ova (or neither), not a unique gamete type.
– **Inflated Statistics:** The 1.7% figure originates from Fausto-Sterling (1993), a sociologist, not a biologist, and includes conditions like mild hypospadias or late-onset adrenal hyperplasia, which do not ambiguity in sex determination. More accurate estimates from clinical data (e.g., Blackless et al., 2000, revised by Sax, 2002) place true DSD prevalence at 0.05% to 0.1%, a tiny fraction. This exaggeration serves an activist narrative, not scientific precision.
– **Conflation with Gender:** The APA conflates biological sex (a measurable trait) with gender identity (a subjective experience), undermining its claim to scientific grounding. DSDs are irrelevant to gender identity debates, as most transgender individuals do not have DSDs (APA itself acknowledges this elsewhere).

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### Claim 3: “Everyone has a gender identity, defined as a person’s deeply felt, inherent sense of being a girl, woman, or female; a boy, man, or male; a blend of male or female; or an alternative gender (Institute of Medicine, 2011).”
**Refutation:**
– **Unfalsifiable Assertion:** The claim that “everyone has a gender identity” is a philosophical stance, not a scientific fact. It assumes a universal internal experience without empirical evidence that all individuals possess this “deeply felt” sense. Studies of gender identity rely on self-reports, which are subjective and cannot be independently verified or measured biologically (Zucker, 2017).
– **Cultural Bias:** The concept of gender identity as an inherent trait is a modern Western construct, not a universal truth. Anthropological evidence shows that many cultures historically recognized roles based on sex, not an internal “identity” (e.g., Nanda, 1990, on hijras in India). The APA’s framing ignores this variability, prioritizing a contemporary activist lens over cross-cultural data.
– **Lack of Evidence:** No biological marker (e.g., genetic, hormonal, neurological) consistently predicts gender identity across populations. The APA’s reliance on the Institute of Medicine (a policy body, not a primary research source) highlights the absence of direct scientific evidence for this sweeping claim.

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### Claim 4: “Gender as a non-binary construct has been described and studied for decades across cultures and has been present throughout history (Gill-Peterson, 2018).”
**Refutation:**
– **Historical Overreach:** Gill-Peterson, a historian and transgender studies scholar, interprets historical figures through a modern non-binary lens, often without primary evidence that these individuals identified as such. For example, “third gender” roles (e.g., Two-Spirit in Native American cultures) were often tied to social function or spiritual status, not an internal non-binary identity (Lang, 1998). This is retrospective activism, not scientific history.
– **Scientific Weakness:** Studies of non-binary gender are largely qualitative or anecdotal, lacking the quantitative rigor to establish it as a universal human trait. The APA’s endorsement skips over the fact that most research in this area comes from gender studies, a field criticized for ideological bias (see critique by Bailey & Hsu, 2022).
– **Selective Citation:** The APA ignores counterevidence, such as evolutionary psychology and anthropology, which emphasize sex-based roles as adaptive traits across human history (Buss, 2019). This cherry-picking suggests alignment with activist goals over balanced science.

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### Claim 5: “Physiologically, neuroimaging research has suggested that cortical brain volume in transgender individuals appear to be more like their preferred gender (see Mueller et al., 2021; Nguyen et al., 2019).”
**Refutation:**
– **Overstated Findings:** Mueller et al. (2021) and Nguyen et al. (2019) report small, inconsistent differences in brain volume, often overlapping with cisgender controls. These studies have small sample sizes (e.g., Mueller: n=40 per group; Nguyen: n=29 transgender participants), limiting generalizability. Brain structure varies widely within sexes, and no unique “transgender brain” pattern has been established (Joel et al., 2015).
– **Causality Problem:** Even if differences exist, correlation does not imply causation. Brain plasticity suggests that behavior or hormone use (common in transgender samples) could shape brain structure, not that it reflects an innate gender identity (Bao & Swaab, 2011). The APA ignores this alternative explanation.
– **Scientific Consensus Absent:** Larger meta-analyses (e.g., Guillamon et al., 2016) find no consistent brain signature for transgender identity, contradicting the APA’s confident tone. This selective citation reflects a narrative-driven approach, not a scientific one.

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### Claim 6: “Those whose gender identity differs from their biological sex at birth may face discrimination, stigma, prejudice, and violence that negatively affect their health and well-being (Bradford et al., 2013).”
**Refutation:**
– **Undisputed but Limited:** No one contests that discrimination harms mental health, but the APA frames this as uniquely tied to gender identity without comparing it to other stigmatized groups (e.g., racial minorities, obese individuals). This lacks scientific context—mental health risks from stigma are not specific to transgender status (Meyer, 2003).
– **Overemphasis on External Factors:** The APA downplays internal factors like pre-existing mental health conditions (e.g., depression, anxiety), which are prevalent in transgender populations independent of discrimination (Dhejne et al., 2011). This selective focus aligns with activist calls to blame society rather than explore all variables.
– **Weak Citation:** Bradford et al. (2013) is a survey-based study, not a controlled experiment, and relies on self-reported experiences, which are prone to bias. The APA’s reliance on such data over longitudinal or clinical studies suggests a preference for narrative over rigor.

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### Claim 7: “Research demonstrates that gender-related discrimination appears to be the most documented risk factor for poor mental health among transgender individuals.”
**Refutation:**
– **Misleading Claim:** While discrimination is a factor, studies like Dhejne et al. (2011) show that transgender individuals have elevated rates of psychiatric morbidity (e.g., suicide attempts) even after transitioning and in supportive environments, suggesting intrinsic or co-occurring issues beyond discrimination. The APA’s focus on external blame ignores this complexity.
– **Cherry-Picking:** The APA overlooks research on rapid-onset gender dysphoria (Littman, 2018) or desistance rates in youth (Steensma et al., 2013), which suggest social influence or temporary identity exploration in some cases. This omission reflects an activist-driven avoidance of inconvenient data.
– **Lack of Causality:** “Most documented” does not mean “most causative.” Observational studies cannot disentangle discrimination from other variables (e.g., personality traits, trauma), yet the APA presents it as settled science.

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### Claim 8: “Conversely, self-esteem, pride, transitioning, respecting and supporting transgender people in authentically articulating their gender identity can promote resilience, improve their health, well-being, and quality of life (Mezza et al, 2024; Witten, 2003).”
**Refutation:**
– **Weak Evidence Base:** Mezza et al. (2024) and Witten (2003) are cited, but Witten is a theoretical piece, not an empirical study, and Mezza (hypothetical, as it’s 2024) lacks accessible methodology for scrutiny as of March 15, 2025. Claims about transitioning improving outcomes rely on short-term studies with high dropout rates (e.g., Bränström & Pachankis, 2019, retracted conclusions after reanalysis).
– **Long-Term Data Gaps:** Large-scale studies (e.g., Dhejne et al., 2011) show persistent elevated suicide rates post-transition, contradicting the APA’s optimistic framing. The APA ignores this, favoring affirmation-centric narratives over neutral analysis.
– **Activist Language:** Terms like “authentically articulating” are subjective and activist-derived, not scientific. The APA’s emphasis on “pride” and “respect” as variables reflects a therapeutic ideology, not a testable hypothesis.

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### Conclusion:
The APA’s positions often rely on selectively cited, low-quality studies, conflate subjective experiences with objective facts, and ignore counterevidence or alternative explanations. This pattern suggests capture by gender activism, which prioritizes affirmation and social justice over rigorous, falsifiable science. True scientific inquiry would demand larger samples, longitudinal data, and exploration of all hypotheses—not a preordained alignment with ideological goals.