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This Is Not a Theology Argument

There’s a version of this argument that collapses on contact.

“Christian societies succeed because Christianity is true.”

That’s not serious. It’s too broad, too easy to counter, and it drags the discussion into theology. That’s not what this is.

This is narrower.

Modern successful societies appear to rely on a set of moral assumptions that did not arise randomly—and may not sustain themselves indefinitely once detached from the structures that produced them.

Not proof, not prophecy, but rather… dependence.


Name the Structure, Not the Institution

When I refer to “Judeo-Christian ethics,” I’m not talking about the historical behavior of churches or states. That record is mixed at best and often indefensible. It doesn’t need rescuing here.

I’m pointing to a moral architecture—a cluster of ideas that shaped behavior long before belief began to fade:

  • intrinsic human worth
  • moral equality beyond tribe
  • limits on power
  • individual responsibility
  • restraint
  • forgiveness over vendetta

These now feel obvious.

They weren’t.

What looks like baseline morality is often inherited structure—and inheritance has a way of disguising itself as inevitability.


Christianity Is Not the Only Path—And That Matters

If the claim were simply “Judeo-Christian societies do better,” it would fail.

There are Christian-majority countries that struggle. There are secular societies that thrive. There are atrocities carried out under religious banners that no serious reader will ignore.

And then there’s Japan.

Japan is not a counterexample. It’s a correction.

It demonstrates that similar outcomes—order, trust, cohesion—can emerge from entirely different traditions. Which means the key variable isn’t Christianity itself.

It’s something deeper.

Japan suggests the underlying requirement is not a specific doctrine, but a sufficiently internalized system of obligation—whether grounded in universal dignity or social duty. The forms differ. The function is similar: behavior is constrained before enforcement becomes necessary.

Not all structures are interchangeable. But high-functioning societies tend to converge on systems that reliably produce restraint, accountability, and continuity across generations—however they justify them.

These systems are not immune to strain. Japan’s own pressures—aging demographics, declining birth rates, and shifting social norms—suggest that even deeply internalized frameworks are not static under modern conditions.


What These Systems Actually Do

Strip away the language and look at function.

These frameworks tend to produce:

  • higher social trust
  • delayed gratification
  • stable family structures
  • informal accountability
  • expectations that limit the use of power

These are not abstract outcomes. They follow from repeated behaviors:

  • when restraint is internalized, fewer actions require enforcement
  • when accountability is expected, trust rises and transaction costs fall
  • when power is seen as limited, institutions stabilize rather than dominate

Over time, these behaviors compound into systems that rely less on coercion and more on expectation.

That sounds mundane. It isn’t. It’s what makes large, complex societies livable.

None of this requires belief.

But it does require internalization.

And internalization is slow, uneven, and difficult to rebuild once it thins out.


The Enlightenment Didn’t Start From Zero

The Enlightenment didn’t sweep this away and replace it with reason.

It reorganized it.

It challenged religious authority, formalized rights, and built institutions that still define modern life. That’s real progress and it shouldn’t be minimized.

But it did not begin from moral zero.

The assumptions were already there—about equality, dignity, and limits on power. The Enlightenment clarified and extended them. It did not generate them out of nothing.

The harder question is whether reason alone can reproduce the same depth of commitment, especially when those commitments become costly.

Reason is excellent at organizing systems. It is less reliable at compelling sacrifice—and societies eventually run into situations where something has to give.


The Problem Friedrich Nietzsche Identified

Nietzsche is often invoked carelessly. This isn’t that.

His point wasn’t that religion should be preserved. It was that removing it has consequences that don’t show up immediately.

You can discard a system and keep its language for a while.
You can keep its assumptions even longer.

What you can’t do indefinitely is treat the foundation as optional while expecting the structure to remain stable.

That process doesn’t announce itself.

It drifts—and by the time it becomes obvious, it is usually well underway.


Drift Shows Up as Substitution

Drift doesn’t look like collapse.

It looks like substitution.

As informal norms weaken, societies compensate with formal mechanisms:

  • more regulation
  • more surveillance
  • more litigation
  • more explicit enforcement of what was once assumed

That shift isn’t inherently catastrophic. In many cases it works.

But it changes how order is maintained. It replaces internal constraint with external management—and that trade is rarely free.

You can see it at the margins: rising regulatory density, increased reliance on formal compliance systems in workplaces and institutions, growing legal mediation of disputes that were once handled informally. These trends have multiple causes, but they share a common feature—behavior that once required little enforcement now requires more of it.


The Secular Case—and Its Limit

A secular answer exists.

We can justify these norms through reason, reciprocity, and shared interest. We don’t need theology to understand cooperation or stability.

And in many cases, this works. High-trust secular societies demonstrate that norms can be transmitted without widespread religious belief.

The question is not whether this is possible.

It clearly is.

The question is whether these systems are fully self-sustaining over long time horizons, or whether they depend—quietly—on inherited assumptions that become harder to justify as those assumptions lose coherence.

That dependency is easy to miss because it feels like common sense.

It isn’t. It’s memory.

If these systems are fully self-sustaining, we would expect high-trust, high-restraint behavior to remain stable even as the underlying moral frameworks continue to thin. If they are not, the pressure will show up first at the margins—in declining informal trust, rising enforcement costs, and increasing reliance on explicit rules to maintain baseline order.


What This Argument Is—and Is Not

This is not an argument for belief.

It’s an argument against pretending we’re starting from nothing.

Societies that function well do not run on law and incentives alone. They rely on internalized limits—on what people will not do, even when they can.

Judeo-Christian ethics provided one version of that in the West. Other civilizations developed their own.

The open question is not whether we can discard those frameworks.

We already have.

The question is whether we understand what they were doing well enough to replace them—or whether we are still relying on them while insisting we are not.


The Uncomfortable Conclusion

Removing a foundation does not collapse a structure immediately.

It exposes, slowly, what the structure depended on—and whether we’ve mistaken inheritance for design.

In Iran, child marriage isn’t merely a whispered rural custom; it’s a practice that can breathe because the law gives it room. A Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty report tells the story of “Leila,” married at ten to a fifteen-year-old boy—an arrangement delivered to her in the night, a ring placed on her finger like a stamp. She describes the aftermath not as romance or “tradition,” but as fear, pain, and a body treated as if it were already spoken for.

The scandal here is not that bad people exist; it’s that systems can normalize the bad. The report states that marriage is legal for girls at 13 with parental consent, and that younger girls can be married with a judge’s permission (and that the legal age cited for boys is 15). It also cites 37,000 underage marriages registered in the last Iranian year ending in March (as of 2016), while noting that unregistered unions mean the true number is likely higher.

A society’s moral temperature shows up in what it excuses, and what it calls “inevitable.” The piece reports that the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child urged Iran to raise the marriage age and expressed concern that the legal framework permits sexual intercourse with girls as young as nine lunar years, alongside gaps in criminalization of other sexual abuse against very young children. This isn’t “culture” in the harmless sense; it’s power arranged into a rite, with a child paying the cost.

 Bibliography 📚

  • Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (Radio Farda), “Childhood’s End: Forced Into Marriage At Age 10 In Iran” (Nov. 17, 2016).

Screenshot

     Western civilization, in its liberal form, rests on a remarkable set of principles: that religious belief should be voluntary, that individual conscience is sovereign, and that the rights of the person take precedence over both state and religious authority. These ideas are not universal human defaults; they are hard-won cultural and philosophical achievements, shaped by the Enlightenment, the Reformation, and centuries of political struggle. They are not shared equally by all religious or ideological systems.
     Classical Islam, in its orthodox jurisprudential tradition, is not solely a private spiritual faith. It is also a comprehensive legal and political system (sharia) that historically integrated religious authority with governance. From its earliest centuries, Islam expanded through a combination of military conquest, trade, persuasion, and migration. While conquest played a significant role in some regions, conversion in others—such as Southeast Asia—was often gradual and voluntary. The fusion of religious and political authority remains influential in many interpretations, though its application varies widely across the Muslim world today.
     One area of tension concerns apostasy. In traditional interpretations of several major schools of Islamic law, leaving the faith has been treated as a serious offense, sometimes punishable by death. This stands in contrast to the Western commitment to absolute freedom of belief and conscience. However, enforcement differs greatly: many Muslim-majority countries no longer prescribe capital punishment for apostasy alone, and reformist scholars argue that the Qur’an itself emphasizes no compulsion in religion (2:256) and that punishment should be deferred to the afterlife.Religious pluralism presents another challenge. Historical Islamic polities often extended protected status to Jews, Christians, and sometimes others (“People of the Book”), allowing communal autonomy in exchange for taxation (jizya) and certain restrictions. This system offered more tolerance than many contemporary societies of the time, yet it was hierarchical rather than egalitarian. Full equality before the law—a core Western principle—has not always been realized in states governed by traditional sharia interpretations, though modern reforms in countries such as Tunisia, Morocco, and the United Arab Emirates have moved toward greater legal equality.
     The status of women reveals further differences. In some countries applying strict interpretations of sharia, women face legal and social restrictions on dress, travel, marriage, inheritance, and testimony. Recent examples include compulsory veiling enforcement in Iran and severe restrictions under Taliban rule in Afghanistan. These practices draw from certain classical readings of Qur’anic verses and hadith. At the same time, it is worth noting that seventh-century Islamic law granted women rights to inheritance, divorce, and property ownership that were progressive compared to many pre-modern societies. Today, women’s rights vary enormously across the Muslim world—from relatively egalitarian frameworks in Indonesia and Tunisia to highly restrictive ones elsewhere—and Muslim feminist scholars actively work to reinterpret texts in light of contemporary values of equality.These differences are not simply “extremist misinterpretations.” Many stem from longstanding and mainstream interpretations of sacred texts and tradition.
    Yet Islam is not monolithic: it encompasses a spectrum of thought, from rigid literalism to progressive reformism, and interpretations evolve over time and place.None of this is an indictment of Muslims as individuals. Millions of Muslims live peacefully and prosperously in Western societies, often embracing liberal values while maintaining their faith. Their successful integration is made possible precisely because Western secular frameworks limit the political reach of any religion—protecting both believers and non-believers alike.Recognizing the genuine tensions between certain traditional interpretations of Islam and core principles of Western liberalism is not intolerance; it is intellectual honesty.
     At the same time, acknowledging Islam’s internal diversity, historical context, and capacity for reform prevents sweeping generalizations. A mature conversation requires holding both truths: deep differences exist, yet dialogue, mutual accommodation, and individual freedom remain possible. A civilization that clearly understands its own founding principles—without either naivety or hostility—is best equipped to preserve them while extending hospitality to those who share its public square.

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