Paul Brandt is not a fringe troll with a microphone. He’s a mainstream Canadian artist with a public record of philanthropy, and he’s closely associated with “Not In My City,” a project focused on combating sexual exploitation and trafficking. So when he was slated to appear as a keynote speaker at Alberta’s North Central Teachers’ Convention and then disappeared from the final program, the obvious question is not “what did he tweet?” It’s simpler:

Who made that decision, and why won’t they say so plainly?

The reporting to date suggests Brandt was initially scheduled, then “not included in the final schedule,” with no substantive explanation offered beyond that. That’s not a scheduling explanation. That’s a refusal to explain.

And refusals matter, because when institutions won’t tell the truth in normal language, people assume the worst—and sometimes they’re right.

The Mechanism: Institutional Silence Creates Political Meaning

If you remove a speaker at the last minute and provide no reason, you create a vacuum. That vacuum fills with the most plausible theory available.

In this case, the most widely circulated theory is that Brandt’s public comments touching Alberta independence politics annoyed someone. Is that proven? No. It remains inference. But it is an inference made easier by the ATA ecosystem’s habits: highly political instincts, high message discipline, low transparency.

If the truth is mundane—contract issue, travel issue, logistical conflict—then say it. If the truth is “we didn’t want this topic,” then say that, too. Adults can handle disagreements. What they can’t handle is managerial fog deployed as reputational control.

Precision: Who Is “The ATA” Here?

One important correction: teachers’ conventions are not simply “the ATA” as a monolith. Convention programming is organized by convention associations and boards; the ATA is part of the structure, but local governance and planning matter.

That distinction doesn’t let anyone off the hook. It just tells us where accountability should point: the convention organizers and the ATA officials involved need to identify the decision-maker.

Not “we didn’t include him.”
Not “the schedule changed.”
Not “it was complicated.”

Name the person or committee. Publish the rationale. Own it.

The Drag Bingo Contrast (What We Can Prove, and What We Can’t)

Let’s also clean up another point, because credibility matters more than vibes.

There is evidence that at least one ATA local (Calgary Public Teachers, ATA Local 38) has promoted drag bingo events for teachers—adult social programming and fundraising, including a “Drag Bingo 2.0” event advertised for February 28, 2026 at Hudsons Canada’s Pub. Other posts and recaps indicate this has been a recurring event.

What that does not prove is “drag queen programming for children in classrooms.” If you want to make that claim, you need separate documentation. This piece doesn’t need it.

The point is narrower and stronger:

ATA-affiliated organizations are willing to put their name to drag entertainment for adults, as part of educator culture—and yet they won’t clearly explain why a speaker connected to anti-exploitation advocacy was removed from a major professional gathering.

That mismatch doesn’t prove bad intent. It proves something else: selective transparency. When the programming is ideologically safe, the institution is loud. When the programming might trigger internal conflict, the institution becomes a ghost.

The Real Issue Isn’t Paul Brandt. It’s Institutional Governance.

If you are a teacher paying dues, you should be furious—not necessarily because Brandt is the perfect keynote, but because your professional association is behaving like a risk-management shop instead of a member-serving institution.

Here are the questions that require answers:

  1. Who made the call to remove him from the program?
  2. What criterion was used—professional relevance, conduct, political sensitivity, “safety,” reputation risk?
  3. When was the decision made?
  4. Was Brandt given a reason, and is that reason publishable?
  5. Will the organizers commit to a transparency standard going forward?

If those questions can’t be answered, the institution has a bigger problem than one cancelled keynote. It has a legitimacy problem.

Because once you normalize silent removals, you don’t just manage controversy. You teach your own members that power flows upward, speech gets filtered, and you’re expected to smile.

Verdict

You can disagree about Alberta independence. You can dislike country music. You can even decide a trafficking-focused keynote doesn’t fit your convention theme. Fine. That’s politics.

But if you can’t say it openly—if your default mode is bland non-answers and managerial evasion—then you’re not leading educators. You’re managing a brand.

And Alberta parents are right to notice. When the people tasked with protecting children won’t speak plainly about their own choices, they don’t look principled. They look captured.

Albertans deserve better than that. And teachers do too.

 

 

 

Canada still runs a legal category of “Indian” through federal law. Not as history. As operating code. The Indian Act governs registration, band governance, and the reserve framework. Identity becomes partly administered by statute, not only lived in community. (laws-lois.justice.gc.ca) When a state maintains a separate legal lane for a class of people, it does more than recognize difference. It reproduces difference through process and permanence.

Get the timeline right because this is where critics go hunting. The Indian Act was assented to on April 12, 1876, as a consolidation of laws “respecting Indians.” (sac-isc.gc.ca) Consolidation is not an accident. It is a choice to centralize control, define membership, and keep Indigenous life routed through Ottawa’s legal plumbing. Once you do that, you create a stable incentive loop. Governments manage liability and jurisdiction. Communities defend the gateways through which rights, services, and recognition pass. The system is not neutral simply because it is administrative.

Martin Buber’s vocabulary helps name the moral move without turning this into a sermon. An I–It posture treats people as objects. They become cases, stakeholders, units, problems to be managed. An I–Thou posture treats them as subjects with agency and dignity. A system that sorts people into different legal kinds makes I–It governance easier. Bureaucratic proxies replace encounter. Resentment follows because the relationship becomes instrumental even when the language stays compassionate.

You can watch the machine work in Alberta right now. Elections Alberta issued a Notice of Initiative Petition in late January 2026 for a citizen initiative proposing an Alberta independence referendum question. (elections.ab.ca) First Nations responded with litigation arguing the province had constitutional duties to consult on the impacts of such a referendum and failed to do so. (globalnews.ca) Alberta’s population reached 5.0 million in Q4 2025. (economicdashboard.alberta.ca) That is a large public, a loud politics, and a long list of grievances looking for a target. In that environment, it becomes easy to blame “Indians” as a block instead of blaming the architecture that turns every dispute into a status-mediated struggle over courts, duties, and jurisdiction.

The safest conclusion is also the strongest. Treat this as structure, not as villains. There are Indigenous voices, including William Wuttunee, who argued decades ago that the reserve-dependency model traps people and that integration on Indigenous terms was a path out. (uofmpress.ca) You do not need to adopt his full program to accept the warning. As long as legal status remains the main conduit for dignity, power, and money, Canada will keep reproducing otherness by design. Too many institutions cannot cash their cheques any other way.

References

Source Speech (YouTube)

Indian Act (R.S.C., 1985, c. I-5) — Justice Laws (official text)
https://laws-lois.justice.gc.ca/eng/acts/i-5/

Indian Act, 1876 (“amend and consolidate…”) — SAC-ISC archival text
https://www.sac-isc.gc.ca/eng/1100100010252/1618940680392

Martin Buber (I–It / I–Thou) — Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy
https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/buber/

Elections Alberta — Notice of Initiative Petition issued (Jan 27, 2026)

New Citizen Initiative Application Approved, Notice of Initiative Petition Issued

Alberta separation petition legal challenge context — Global News (Jan 23, 2026)

3 Alberta First Nations say separation petition is unconstitutional

Alberta population (5.0M in Q4 2025) — Government of Alberta Economic Dashboard
https://economicdashboard.alberta.ca/dashboard/population-quarterly/

William Wuttunee / Ruffled Feathers — University of Manitoba Press
https://uofmpress.ca/books/still-ruffling-feathers

This week’s Sunday Disservice starts with a conversation many institutions would rather classify than confront.

In a recent podcast, @PeterBoghossian interviews @RaymondIbrahim on Islamic history, immigration, persecution, and what the West is currently too timid to say plainly. The discussion is blunt, often provocative, and at points rhetorically hot. But beneath the heat is a real question—one our political and media class keeps trying to bury under etiquette:

What happens when a civilization with weak borders, weak confidence, and elite moral vanity collides with a religious-political tradition that contains militant, expansionist, and supremacist strains in its textual and legal history?

That is not a “hate” question. It is a civilizational one.

Let me state the guardrails clearly before the usual bad-faith scripts arrive. This is not a blanket condemnation of Muslims as people. It is a warning about militant political Islam (Islamism), doctrinal honesty, and Western cowardice. If we cannot distinguish between peaceful Muslim neighbours, ordinary religious practice, and organized Islamist ambitions, then we cannot think clearly, legislate clearly, or defend liberal norms.

That distinction is not a concession. It is the price of seriousness.

One of the most useful things about the Boghossian/Ibrahim conversation is that it forces several taboo questions onto the table at once. Do Islamic texts and traditions contain durable frameworks of conquest and subjugation? What happens when Western nations import large populations faster than they can assimilate them into a liberal civic culture? Why is criticism of doctrine so quickly recoded as “Islamophobia” before the argument is even heard? And why do elite institutions consistently treat ideology as a tone problem?

That last point matters most. The West has become exceptionally good at policing language and exceptionally bad at confronting ideology. We can produce endless seminars on inclusion, sensitivity, and anti-bias procedures. But ask whether a movement’s legal and political doctrines are compatible with free speech, equality before the law, women’s rights, or national sovereignty, and suddenly the room gets nervous.

This is where the conversation gets hard, and where it needs to stay hard.

We should be wary of militant political Islam because it is not merely a private spirituality. In its political forms, it makes claims about law, social order, blasphemy, apostasy, gender hierarchy, and rule. And yes, some of those claims are rooted in texts, jurisprudence, and historical models that include conquest, submission, and supremacy. Pretending otherwise does not make us tolerant. It makes us unserious.

A free society’s first duty is not to flatter itself for being “inclusive.” It is to identify, as accurately as possible, which ideas and movements can coexist with liberal order and which ones seek to erode or replace it.

That is where the West keeps failing.

We fail first by collapsing distinctions. Instead of discriminating analytically between doctrine, movement, community, and individual, institutions collapse everything into one emotional command: Do not stigmatize. That may feel humane in the short term. In practice it disables scrutiny and protects bad actors who thrive in ambiguity.

We fail second by treating assimilation as cruelty. A functioning country is allowed to expect newcomers to adapt to its laws, civic norms, and constitutional order. That is not oppression. That is state survival. Multiculturalism without boundaries is not pluralism; it is administrative denial.

We fail third by confusing criticism of ideology with hatred of persons. If criticism of Christianity is permitted (and it is, loudly), criticism of Islamic doctrine must also be permitted. Equal standards are not bigotry. They are the baseline of intellectual honesty.

This is why the topic belongs squarely in DWR territory. It is not only an immigration question. It is a women’s-rights question, a free-speech question, and a state-capacity question.

You cannot defend women’s rights while refusing to examine ideological systems that normalize coercive gender hierarchy. You cannot defend free speech while treating some doctrines as effectively criticism-proof. And you cannot maintain democratic legitimacy if citizens are only allowed to discuss immigration inside a narrow moral frame pre-approved by media, bureaucracy, and activist gatekeepers.

Canada is not Europe. But Canada is not exempt from the same habits of evasion.

Our elite reflex is managerial: smooth the language, moralize the critics, and call that social peace. But a country cannot govern immigration, integration, and security through branding. It has to ask adult questions: Who is coming? On what terms? Into what civic culture? With what expectations of assimilation? And what happens when imported norms clash with Charter norms?

If those questions are treated as taboo, then policy has already outrun democratic consent.

A serious country should be able to say five things at once:

  1. Most Muslims are not terrorists.
  2. Islamist ideology is real.
  3. Religious doctrines can and should be criticized.
  4. Immigration policy must consider assimilation and social cohesion.
  5. Women’s rights and free speech are non-negotiable in the West.

If we cannot say all five, we are not having a serious conversation. We are managing appearances.

That is why this episode matters. @PeterBoghossian and @RaymondIbrahim are not valuable here because they are provocative (though they are). They are valuable because they are willing to press on a question many people can feel but fewer are willing to state plainly: a society that loses the nerve to name ideological conflict in clear language eventually loses the ability to govern it.

The deeper problem is not only extremism. It is conceptual weakness at the top.

We are being trained to treat clarity as cruelty and euphemism as virtue. That is how free societies become soft targets.

The test is simple: can we examine doctrine, policy, immigration, and assimilation without being moralized into silence?

If not, then the surrender has already begun—not at the border, but in the mind.

 

What say you?
Is the West’s bigger problem right now extremism itself — or a ruling class too timid to name it accurately?

Collin May has published a long, ambitious essay in the C2C journal (Hearts of Darkness: How the Left Uses Hate to Fuel its 21st Century Universal Imperium) on cancel culture, “hate” rhetoric, and the modern left’s moral posture. It is broader than I would write, more philosophical than most readers will tolerate, and occasionally overbuilt. But it names a pattern that matters, and one I return to often here: once “hate” becomes a universal accusation, institutions stop persuading and start policing.

May’s most useful contribution is not just the complaint (“cancel culture exists”) but the mechanism: “hate” stops being a moral description and becomes a category that pre-sorts who may be argued with and who may simply be managed.

That is the issue.

Not whether hatred exists. It does. Not whether some speech is vicious. It is. The issue is what happens when “hate” becomes the default label for disagreement, skepticism, refusal, dissent, or plain moral and factual judgments that cut against elite narratives.

At that point, the term stops describing and starts doing administrative work.

You can watch this happen across the institutions that shape public life: media, HR departments, professional bodies, universities, bureaucracies, and the expanding quasi-legal space around speech regulation. The sequence is familiar. Someone raises a concern about policy, ideology, language rules, school programming, medical ethics, public safety, immigration, religion, or sex-based rights. Instead of answering the argument, the institution reframes the speaker. Not wrong—harmful. Not questioning—spreading hate. Not participating in democratic friction—a threat to social order.

That move changes the rules of engagement. A wrong claim can be debated. A “hateful” claim can be quarantined. Once a claim is reclassified as harm rather than argument, the institutional response changes with it: less rebuttal, more restriction.

This language matters because it is not only moral language. It is managerial language. It justifies deplatforming, censorship, professional discipline, reputational destruction, and exclusion from ordinary civic legitimacy. It creates a class of people whose arguments no longer need to be answered on the merits. It also trains bystanders to confuse moral panic with moral seriousness.

May explains this through a large historical and philosophical genealogy. Fair enough. I am less interested in the full genealogy than in the practical result in front of us. In plain terms: the rhetoric of “hate” is often used to centralize authority in institutions that no longer trust the public and no longer feel obliged to reason with them.

That is one reason trust keeps collapsing.

People can live with disagreement. They can even live with policies they dislike. What they do not tolerate for long is being handled—being told their questions are illegitimate before they are heard. Once citizens conclude that institutions are using moral language as a shield against scrutiny, every future statement gets discounted. Even true statements are heard as spin.

And then the damage compounds. If “hate” is defined so broadly that it includes dissent, genuinely hateful speech becomes harder to identify and confront. The category gets inflated, politicized, and cheapened. Meanwhile, ordinary democratic disagreement becomes harder to conduct without professional or social risk.

That is not a confident free society. It is a managerial one.

Canada is not exempt. We have our own versions of this habit: speech debates reframed as safety debates, policy criticism recoded as identity harm, and public disputes (including over schools, sex-based rights, and even routine civic rituals like land acknowledgements) routed through tribunals, regulators, HR offices, and media scripts instead of open argument. The details vary by case. The mechanism does not. This tactic is not unique to one political tribe, but it is now especially entrenched in progressive-managerial institutions, which is precisely why it has so much reach.

The answer is not to deny hatred exists, or to become casual about cruelty. The answer is to recover civic discipline.

Name actual incitement when it occurs. Enforce existing laws where there are real threats, harassment, or violence. But stop using “hate” as a catch-all for disfavoured views. Stop treating condemnation as a substitute for evidence. Stop teaching institutions that the way to win an argument is to disqualify the speaker.

May quotes Pope Francis on cancel culture as something that “leaves no room.” Whether or not one follows his full historical argument, that phrase captures the operational problem.

A liberal society cannot function if citizens are only permitted to disagree inside moral boundaries drawn in advance by bureaucrats, activists, and legacy media.

The test is simple: can a claim be examined without first being moralized into silence?

If the answer is no, that is not moral confidence. It is institutional insecurity backed by power.

That is the pattern worth naming. And that is why essays like May’s, even when they overshoot, remain worth reading.

References

Collin May, “Hearts of Darkness: How the Left Uses Hate to Fuel its 21st Century Universal Imperium,” C2C Journal (February 16, 2026), https://c2cjournal.ca/2026/02/hearts-of-darkness-how-the-left-uses-hate-to-fuel-its-21st-century-universal-imperium/. (C2C Journal)

 

Purcell again, and for good reason. If O Solitude is the sound of inward withdrawal, Music for a While feels like the next chamber over: not relief exactly, but enchantment—grief briefly ordered by art. The ground bass keeps returning like a thought you cannot quite dismiss, while the voice moves above it with that distinctly Purcellian mix of poise and ache. Baroque music is often accused of formality; pieces like this remind you that form can be the very thing that lets feeling speak.

Some children are genuinely vulnerable, atypical, or distressed, and they deserve careful support.

That should be easy to say. It should also be the beginning of the conversation, not the end of it.

The problem starts when a narrow duty of care is expanded into a broad teaching mandate. Support for a small number of children becomes a reason to saturate schools, children’s media, and online spaces with contested identity frameworks. What begins as accommodation becomes doctrine. What begins as care becomes a general lens for everyone.

That is the central move.

It is usually framed in soft language: inclusion, visibility, affirmation, making room. Sometimes that language is fair. But it can also hide a scope change. A real minority need is used to justify population-level exposure. The existence of some children who need unusual support does not, by itself, justify turning child-facing institutions into delivery systems for anti-normative identity scripts many children are not developmentally ready to evaluate.

Put simply: support is not the same thing as saturation.

A useful heuristic is the inoculation model. The implicit argument often sounds like this: expose everyone early and often to the framework so harm is prevented later. But that assumes the framework is age-appropriate, conceptually clear, and socially harmless when applied at scale. Those assumptions are usually asserted, not argued.

You can see the pattern in school frameworks like SOGI 123. SOGI 123 describes itself as an initiative to help educators make schools safer and more inclusive for students of all sexual orientations and gender identities, with tools spanning policy, school culture, and teaching resources. In British Columbia, SOGI 123 has been broadly integrated through educator networks and district participation structures. In Alberta, similar SOGI 123 resources and supports exist and are used, but public acceptance and implementation have been more contested and uneven. (Your local framing here is fine; if you want, we can add a specific Alberta anchor in the next pass.)

The point is not that every teacher using these materials has radical intentions. Most likely do not. The point is structural. A framework introduced in the name of protecting a minority of vulnerable students can become a general lens for shaping the environment of all students. That is exactly where support turns into saturation.

None of this requires pretending there are no benefits. Anti-bullying frameworks and school supports can reduce harassment and improve school climate for vulnerable students, and in some cases for other students as well. Recent SOGI 123 evaluation reporting in B.C. has explicitly claimed reductions in some forms of bullying and sexual-orientation discrimination, including effects observed for heterosexual students in studied schools. But that is a different question from whether a framework is well-bounded, developmentally fitted, and appropriate as a general lens for all children. A program can produce some good outcomes and still be overextended in scope.

This is also where ordinary parents often feel morally cornered. They are told the framework is simply about kindness and safety. Then they discover it also carries contested claims about identity, norms, and development. When they raise questions about age, fit, or timing, the objection is treated as hostility rather than prudence.

That rhetorical move matters. It is how debate gets shut down.

Some activist frameworks are not just asking for tolerance or non-harassment. They are more ambitious. They treat ordinary social norms as presumptively suspect—or as things to be actively challenged—rather than mostly inherited and refined. Adults can debate that in adult spaces. The problem is when those frameworks are translated into child guidance and presented as common sense before children are developmentally ready to sort through the concepts.

You do not need a graduate seminar to see the issue. Children imitate. Children seek belonging. Children absorb prestige cues. Children are shaped by what trusted adults celebrate. That is not bigotry. That is basic reality.

This is why developmental fit matters. Children do not process abstract identity questions the way adults do. Identity formation is gradual. Social context matters. Timing matters. Adult authority matters. Age appropriateness is not a slogan; it shifts across developmental stages, and what may be discussable at 16 is not automatically suitable at 6. When institutions present contested frameworks in a celebratory register first and a cautionary register later (or never), adults should worry.

The usual public binary is false. The choice is not between cruelty and total affirmation. It is not between neglect and ideological immersion. A sane society can do both things at once: provide targeted support for the children who truly need it, while refusing to reorganize the symbolic environment of all children around contested anti-normative frameworks.

That is not repression. It is proportion.

And proportion is exactly what gets lost when every concern is moralized and every request for limits is treated as harm.

We should be able to say, plainly, that some children need exceptional care without turning exceptional cases into the template for everyone else. We should be able to protect the vulnerable few without swamping the many. We should be able to teach kindness without requiring ideological inoculation.

If we cannot make those distinctions, then we are not practicing compassion. We are practicing scope creep with moral language.

Support for vulnerable students is necessary. But targeted care is not the same as saturating schools with contested identity frameworks for all children.

References

  1. SOGI 123 / SOGI Education. “SOGI 123 | Making Schools Safer and More Inclusive for All Students.”
    https://www.sogieducation.org/ (SOGI 123)
  2. SOGI Education. “What Is SOGI 123?”
    https://www.sogieducation.org/question/what-is-sogi-123/
    (official explainer page)
  3. SOGI Education. “British Columbia.”
    https://www.sogieducation.org/our-work/where-we-support/british-columbia/
    (B.C. implementation / network context)
  4. ARC Foundation. “UBC Evaluation of SOGI 123 (October 2024).”
    https://www.arcfoundation.ca/ubc-evaluation-sogi-123-october-2024
    (evaluation / outcomes framing from SOGI-supportive side)
  5. Alberta Teachers’ Association. “What is SOGI 123?”
    https://teachers.ab.ca/news/what-sogi-123 (teachers.ab.ca)
  6. Keenan, H., and Lil Miss Hot Mess. “Drag Pedagogy: The Playful Practice of Queer Imagination in Early Childhood.” Curriculum Inquiry 51, no. 5 (2021): 578–594.
    https://doi.org/10.1080/03626784.2020.1864621
  7. Gender Report (opinion/critical perspective). “We need to take ideological gender rhetoric out of education.” (Jan. 28, 2021).
    https://genderreport.ca/sogi-gender-curriculum-queer-theory/ (CANADIAN GENDER REPORT)
  8. Global News. “Duelling protests held in Edmonton over sexual orientation and gender identity policies in schools” (Sept. 20, 2024).
    https://globalnews.ca/news/10766483/edmonton-gender-identity-sexual-orientation-alberta-schools/ (Global News)

Social media is not a neutral information pipeline. It is a distribution system for identity scripts, status incentives, and institutional messaging aimed at children and adolescents.

The internet matters, but the internet is not the first mover. The first mover is often the institution. Child-facing media packages contested identity-adjacent material in a glowing register—creativity, confidence, self-expression, empowerment—then platforms do what platforms do: amplify, repeat, and reward.

That sequence matters. Parents know the internet is porous and chaotic. Institutional children’s programming arrives pre-approved. It signals safety. It signals legitimacy. By the time a clip hits the feed, it is not just content. It is content stamped with adult authority.

Criticism of this pattern is routinely framed as hostility to “queer youth.” That framing is too convenient. The stronger criticism is about frameworks.

Some strands of queer activism are not simply asking for tolerance or protection from abuse. They are explicitly suspicious of norms as such, and in some cases treat norm disruption as a political good. Adults can debate that project in adult spaces. The problem begins when a norm-disruptive framework is repackaged as child guidance and presented as developmental common sense.

Developmental psychology matters here as a guardrail. Piaget’s core point still stands: children do not think like adults; reasoning develops in stages. Erikson likewise treats identity formation as developmental, social, and staged. Children and early adolescents are especially sensitive to imitation, belonging, prestige, and adult cues. That does not mean they lack an inner life. It means adults should not hand them high-status identity templates and call it pure self-discovery.

The question is not whether vulnerable youth exist. They do. The question is whether activist frameworks built to challenge adult social norms should be translated into child-facing institutional messaging as if they were straightforwardly age-appropriate. On that question, skepticism is not cruelty. It is adult judgment.

Public argument usually collapses here. One side calls it moral panic. The other calls it recruitment. Both are lazy.

Children are impressionable. Social learning is real. Status-seeking is real. Identity experimentation is real. None of that requires conspiracy thinking. It also does not justify a cartoon model of causation where one video produces one outcome. The serious concern is cumulative: repeated exposure, emotional framing, peer reinforcement, institutional endorsement, and algorithmic repetition shape what children perceive as admirable, normal, and socially rewarded.

That concern becomes more serious when the surrounding issue can become clinical. Once clinical pathways enter the picture, the adult burden of care rises. “Let kids explore” is not a sufficient standard when the surrounding culture is supplying scripts, rewards, and institutional validation at scale.

The evidence conversation has to stay honest. Research on social media and transgender or gender-diverse youth supports a mixed picture: online spaces can correlate with distress, discrimination, and problematic use, while also providing support, connection, and relief from offline isolation. Used carelessly, that literature gets abused in both directions—either as proof of “brainwashing” or as proof that social influence is irrelevant.

The more useful point is simpler: institutions increasingly present contested identity material to children in the language of celebration before they provide any framework for developmental caution. The sequencing is wrong. The tone is wrong. The confidence is often ahead of the evidence.

A sane standard is still available. Some online spaces help marginalized youth. Some online dynamics intensify confusion, distress, and imitation. Institutions should not present complex identity performance to children as if there are no downstream risks, tradeoffs, or developmental questions.

That is not cruelty. It is adult supervision.

The deeper problem is cultural, not merely digital. We outsource moral formation to feeds, then act surprised when children absorb what the feed rewards. Social media amplifies. Schools legitimize. Media narrates. Government ratifies. Then the shift is described as organic.

It is not fully organic. It is curated.

That does not mean every child in these spaces is inauthentic. It means authenticity itself is now being shaped inside an environment saturated with scripts, incentives, and prestige signals children are poorly equipped to evaluate critically.

If standards do not return, institutions will keep mistaking early exposure for compassion, and children will keep paying for adult vanity dressed up as progress.

References

  1. Piaget, Jean, and Bärbel Inhelder. The Psychology of the Child.

  2. Erikson, Erik H. Identity: Youth and Crisis.

  3. Halperin, David M. Saint Foucault: Towards a Gay Hagiography. Oxford University Press, 1995.

  4. Keenan, H., and Lil Miss Hot Mess. “Drag Pedagogy: The Playful Practice of Queer Imagination in Early Childhood.” Curriculum Inquiry (2021). DOI: 10.1080/03626784.2020.1864621.

  5. CBC Kids News / Drag Kids segment (2017, resurfaced clip).

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Nordic Model Now!

Movement for the Abolition of Prostitution

The WordPress C(h)ronicle

These are the best links shared by people working with WordPress

HANDS ACROSS THE AISLE

Gender is the Problem, Not the Solution

fmnst

Peak Trans and other feminist topics

There Are So Many Things Wrong With This

if you don't like the news, make some of your own

Gentle Curiosity

Musing over important things. More questions than answers.

violetwisp

short commentaries, pretty pictures and strong opinions

Revive the Second Wave

gender-critical sex-negative intersectional radical feminism