Dead Wild Roses

Why High-Trust Societies Feel Safe (Until They Don’t)

April 28, 2026 in Alberta, Canada, Ethics, Public Policy | Tags: Canada, criminal justice, gladue, indigenous issues, public safety, recidivism, Rule of Law? | by The Arbourist | Leave a comment

We feel safe in places like Alberta for a simple reason. Not because the system is especially gentle, and not because people are unusually kind, but because we believe the rules will be enforced, reliably and without fear or favour.

That belief does most of the work. It sits quietly in the background of daily life, doing its job precisely because it rarely has to announce itself. You don’t need to know the Criminal Code in detail. You only need to trust that when someone breaks it in a serious way, the response will reduce the chance of it happening again.

When that belief weakens, the shift is subtle at first. It doesn’t arrive as a declaration. It shows up in patterns. Arrest, release, reoffend, repeat. People notice, not as legal experts, but as observers of outcomes. The conclusion they draw is not complicated: the system is no longer reliably containing those who break its rules.

That is where trust begins to erode.

In Canada, this question intersects with a specific and sensitive legal reality. Sentencing is not strictly uniform. Courts are required to consider the unique systemic and historical circumstances of Indigenous offenders through what are commonly called Gladue factors, originating in R v Gladue and reaffirmed in R v Ipeelee. These rulings direct judges to account for the effects of residential schools, displacement, and intergenerational trauma when determining an appropriate sentence.

The intent here is not trivial. Indigenous Canadians make up roughly 4 to 5 percent of the population, yet account for over 30 percent of those in custody, with incarceration rates approaching ten times that of non-Indigenous Canadians. A justice system that ignored that disparity entirely would risk perpetuating injustice under the banner of neutrality.

That is the strongest case for Gladue principles, and it deserves to be taken seriously.

“A system that adjusts sentencing to account for historical injustice may be justified in principle. But if those adjustments affect how long repeat offenders are incapacitated, the question is not ideological. It is practical: does the system reduce harm?”

But a justice system is not judged by intent alone. It is judged by outcomes, particularly where public safety is concerned. And those outcomes sit alongside another set of facts that are harder to keep in view.

Indigenous women experience violent victimization at more than double the national rate. They are killed at rates several times higher than non-Indigenous women. Much of this violence occurs within known social networks rather than as random acts, which places the question of repeat offending and system response directly at the centre of the issue.

At the same time, recidivism is not a marginal phenomenon. Data from Correctional Service Canada shows that a significant proportion of offenders reoffend after release, with rates notably higher among Indigenous offenders. That does not make reoffending inevitable. It does establish that risk is real, and that it clusters.

Placed together, these realities create a tension that cannot be resolved by appeal to intent alone. A system that adjusts sentencing to account for historical injustice may be justified in principle. But that same system operates in a world where victimization is not evenly distributed, and where recidivism is not negligible. If those adjustments meaningfully affect how long repeat offenders are incapacitated, then the question is not ideological. It is practical: does the system, in aggregate, reduce harm?

To ask that question is not to deny the moral foundation of the policy. It is to take it seriously enough to test it against reality.

This is where the conversation often breaks down. Raising the issue is treated as a signal of bias rather than a request for evaluation. But a high-trust society cannot function on selective clarity. It has to be able to hold two things in view at once: that historical injustice matters, and that the primary function of a justice system is to protect the public from repeat harm. These aims are not mutually exclusive. But neither are they automatically aligned.

If they come into tension, and in some cases they do, the answer cannot be to ignore the friction because it is uncomfortable. Nor can it be to retreat into abstract claims about equality that bypass real differences in circumstance. The harder task is to examine whether the current balance is working as intended.

None of this implies that Gladue principles should be abandoned, nor that historical context should be ignored. It implies something narrower, and more demanding. Any system that modifies sentencing must also ensure that high-risk, repeat offenders, regardless of background, are reliably identified and contained. If those goals cannot be reconciled in practice, then the framework requires adjustment, not rhetorical defense.

Because the cost of getting this wrong is not abstract. It is paid in the quiet erosion of trust, and in the lived reality of those most exposed to harm.

High-trust societies are not sustained by kindness alone. They are sustained by the belief that rules are enforced, that serious harm is contained, and that the system works in the direction of protection. When that belief weakens through patterns rather than proclamations, trust does not collapse all at once.

It erodes.

And once it erodes far enough, it does not matter how compassionate the system intended to be.

It will no longer be believed.

Glossary

Gladue Factors
Legal considerations requiring Canadian judges to account for the unique systemic and historical circumstances affecting Indigenous offenders when determining a sentence. These can include the legacy of residential schools, intergenerational trauma, and community conditions.

R v Gladue
A Supreme Court of Canada decision establishing that courts must consider the background and systemic factors affecting Indigenous offenders under section 718.2(e) of the Criminal Code.

R v Ipeelee
A follow-up Supreme Court decision reinforcing that Gladue principles must be applied in all cases involving Indigenous offenders and clarifying their importance in sentencing.

Recidivism
The tendency of a convicted individual to reoffend after being released from custody or completing a sentence.

High-Trust Society
A society in which individuals broadly believe that institutions, laws, and fellow citizens operate predictably and fairly, reducing the need for constant vigilance or defensive behavior.

References

Statistics Canada – Indigenous victimization and incarceration data
https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/85-002-x/2023001/article/00006-eng.htm
https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/85-002-x/2023001/article/00004-eng.htm

Correctional Service Canada – Recidivism data
https://www.canada.ca/en/correctional-service/corporate/library/research/emerging-results/19-02.html

Department of Justice Canada – Gladue background and application
https://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/rp-pr/jr/gladue/p2.html

National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls – Final report and findings
https://www.mmiwg-ffada.ca/final-report/

R v Gladue – Full decision (CanLII)
https://www.canlii.org/en/ca/scc/doc/1999/1999canlii679/1999canlii679.html

R v Ipeelee – Full decision (CanLII)
https://www.canlii.org/en/ca/scc/doc/2012/2012scc13/2012scc13.html

Arguing Is an Art. Listening Is the Condition That Makes It Work

April 27, 2026 in Debate, Philosophy | Tags: argumentation, civil discourse, Communication, Critical thinking, debate skills, Dialogue, disagreement, listening, persuasion, philosophy of conversation, Rhetoric, street epistemology | by The Arbourist | Leave a comment

[Note: The listening/mirroring technique here is adapted from approaches outlined in How to Have Impossible Conversations.]

Most arguments don’t fail because one side is wrong.

They fail because neither side is actually listening.

What passes for debate is often parallel monologue: each person waiting for their turn to correct, reframe, or condemn. The collapse happens early—sometimes before the first real claim is even made. A label is applied, a motive is assigned, a conclusion is declared. The exchange ends before it begins.

If you can get past that—and sometimes you can—there is a simple discipline that changes the quality of the conversation.

It feels slow.

It feels like you’re giving something up.

It works.

The Three-Step Method

1. Listen Without Drafting Your Rebuttal

This is the constraint.

When you disagree, your mind races ahead. You start assembling the counter while the other person is still speaking. You catch fragments, miss structure, and fill the gaps with what you expect them to say.

That is how you end up arguing with a version of their position that exists mostly in your own head.

If you want a real exchange, you have to let the argument land in full before you touch it.

2. Mirror the Argument Back

Once they’ve finished, restate their position in your own words:

“If I’ve got you right, you’re saying…”

This is not a rhetorical move. It is a calibration step.

You’re trying to capture the claim, the mechanism, and the stakes as you understand them—not a weaker version, not a cleaner version, but the version you think they actually mean.

3. Ask for Confirmation

Then check it:

“Is that a fair representation?”

If they say yes, you now share a starting point.

If they say no, you’ve just prevented a wasted argument.

Either way, you’ve improved the conversation.

Why This Works

Most arguments fail at the level of misunderstanding, not disagreement.

People talk past each other, attack softened targets, and leave thinking they’ve won. What they’ve done is avoid contact.

Mirroring forces contact.

It aligns the map before you start fighting over the territory.

The Cost

It is slower than trading blows.

It feels like conceding ground.

And it requires a small act of restraint: you prioritize their clarity before your correction.

That runs against instinct, especially when you’re confident they’re wrong.

The Payoff

When you mirror someone accurately, two things happen:

Their defensiveness drops because they’ve been understood
Your criticism lands because it targets their actual position

Now the disagreement can do useful work.

Not louder. Not sharper.

Just accurate.

Verdict

Arguing is an art.

But listening—disciplined, deliberate, and verified—is the condition that makes the art possible.

Without it, you’re not debating.

You’re performing.

DWR Sunday Religious Disservice: A Necessary Evil?

April 26, 2026 in Philosophy, Religion | Tags: Critical Theory, Cultural Critique, Liberalism, Moral Philosophy, Religion, Secularism, social cohesion | by The Arbourist | 8 comments

I’m not a religious individual. This series has made that clear enough over time, and I’m not about to reverse course now. But looking out at the current cultural moment, something else is becoming difficult to ignore: within many of our influential cultural and institutional spaces, people are not stepping away from religion into something stronger or more coherent; they are drifting into something thinner, more unstable, and ultimately more corrosive.

Call it cultural relativism, call it critical theory, call it the downstream effects of postmodern deconstruction—it doesn’t much matter which label you prefer. What matters is the shared move underneath it. The older structures that once oriented people toward truth, obligation, and restraint are no longer treated as imperfect guides to be improved upon; they are treated primarily as systems of power to be exposed, delegitimized, and, where possible, dismantled.

That shift does not leave a neutral vacuum.

A society cannot sustain itself on permanent critique, because critique alone does not tell you what to build in its place, nor does it supply the habits of restraint needed to keep that construction from collapsing.”

On a more personal level, it is increasingly common to encounter people who describe their lives almost entirely through the lens of structural disadvantage, even when their circumstances are relatively stable. The framework offers an explanation for frustration, but it also narrows the space for agency, because improvement begins to look less like progress and more like complicity in the very systems being critiqued.

People require some kind of orienting framework, not necessarily a perfect one, but one stable enough to tell them what is worth building, what must be limited, and what ought to endure beyond their immediate preferences. When every structure is interpreted first as an instrument of domination, that framework does not evolve into something better calibrated—it fragments. What follows is not so much liberation as drift, where moral language remains in use but loses its anchor, and where personal identity begins to carry more explanatory weight than shared standards ever could.

Some of this thinking has value in narrow contexts. As a tool for examining institutions, it can reveal blind spots, excesses, and genuine injustices that deserve correction. But once it escapes those boundaries and becomes a general worldview, it scales badly. A society cannot sustain itself on permanent critique, because critique alone does not tell you what to build in its place, nor does it supply the habits of restraint necessary to keep that construction from collapsing under pressure.

The psychological effects are not incidental here. If a person is taught, explicitly or implicitly, that every system they inhabit is stacked against them, and that their standing within that system is best understood through grievance rather than agency, the result is not empowerment in any meaningful sense. It is demoralization dressed up as insight. Over time, that posture makes collective life harder to maintain, not easier, because it erodes the basic trust required for cooperation.

This is where the comparison with religion, uncomfortable as it may be, begins to sharpen.

Religious frameworks, even when metaphysically suspect or internally inconsistent, tend to provide a coherent structure of meaning, obligation, and limitation. They impose costs. They constrain behaviour. They bind individuals into something that extends beyond the self, whether that is a community, a tradition, or a conception of the good that cannot be endlessly revised to suit immediate preference. Those features can be abused, and often have been, but they are not accidental—they are part of what makes such systems socially durable.

It is worth noting that some of the most stable and prosperous societies today are also among the least religious. That observation deserves to be taken seriously. But those societies are not culturally unmoored; they are, in many cases, the beneficiaries of long-standing moral traditions that continue to shape behaviour even as explicit belief declines. The question is not whether a society can function after religion recedes, but how long it can continue to draw on inherited norms once the structures that sustained them are no longer reinforced.

If the practical choice is between a society that retains some shared, if imperfect, moral architecture and one that dissolves that architecture in favour of perpetual deconstruction, I am no longer convinced that the latter is the safer or more enlightened path. That is not because religion is true in any ultimate sense, but because it appears to do something that our current alternatives struggle to replicate at scale. Secular frameworks capable of supplying meaning and restraint do exist. What remains unclear is whether they can achieve the same level of cultural penetration and durability without borrowing from the traditions they seek to replace.

This is not an argument for theocracy. A classically liberal state remains the best framework we have for preserving freedom, dissent, and pluralism across deep differences. But liberalism has never been self-sustaining in the way its defenders sometimes imagine. It has historically relied on inherited norms—habits of restraint, notions of duty, a willingness to subordinate impulse to something more enduring—that it did not generate on its own.

When those supporting structures are steadily stripped away, the system does not immediately collapse, but it does begin to thin out. The language of rights remains, but the culture that made those rights workable starts to erode. At that point, something else will fill the gap, and it is not guaranteed to be gentler, freer, or more rational than what came before.

None of this erases the historical abuses tied to religion. It simply raises the possibility that removing it creates vulnerabilities we have not yet learned to manage.

Religion, for all its flaws, once carried a significant portion of that load.

Remove it, or hollow it out beyond recognition, and the question is no longer whether people will believe in something. It is what they will reach for instead—and whether that replacement will prove more stable than the thing it displaced.

Words to Watch: When Language Starts Doing the Thinking for You

April 25, 2026 in Culture, Debate, Politics | Tags: Communication, Critical Theory, Cultural Critique, Language, Philosophy, Political Discourse, Social Constructivism | by The Arbourist | 2 comments

You can usually tell what kind of argument you’re about to hear before the argument is made.

It’s in the language.

Certain words don’t just describe reality—they quietly reframe it, often in ways that make disagreement harder before it even begins. They shift the ground you’re standing on, sometimes without you noticing.

Once you recognize them, the pattern becomes difficult to miss.

“By the time the argument begins, much of it has already been decided.”

Here are a few to listen for.

“Lived experience”

Often used to elevate subjective accounts above other forms of evidence.

Experience matters. But when it becomes the final authority, it can no longer be questioned or compared. At that point, it stops being evidence and becomes a conclusion.

“Social construct”

A useful concept in limited contexts. Overextended, it suggests that because something is shaped by society, it is therefore arbitrary or infinitely malleable.

The move is subtle: from influenced by culture to not anchored in reality at all.

“Harm”

A word that has expanded far beyond physical or material damage.

Disagreement, discomfort, or perceived invalidation can all be folded into it. Once that happens, ordinary debate starts to look like misconduct.

“Equity”

Not the same as equality.

It shifts the focus from equal rules to equal outcomes. That shift often justifies unequal treatment in the name of correcting disparities.

“Centering” / “Decentering”

Signals who is allowed to speak, and whose perspective is treated as primary.

Less about argument, more about managing whose voice carries authority.

“Problematic”

A soft accusation that avoids specificity.

It implies wrongdoing without clearly stating what the problem is, which makes it difficult to respond directly.

“Safe spaces”

Originally about protection from harassment. Now often used to limit exposure to challenging or opposing ideas.

The definition quietly expands from safety from harm to safety from disagreement.

None of these words are inherently illegitimate. The issue is how they are used. Individually, they can be useful. In combination, they tend to narrow the space for disagreement.

When they appear together, they often shift discussion away from evidence, elevate subjective claims beyond challenge, and quietly limit what can be said without consequence. By the time the argument begins, much of it has already been decided.

When you hear language like this, a simple question is usually enough: what claim is being made—and could I reasonably disagree with it? If the answer is no, you are no longer in a normal debate. You are being asked to accept a framework, not evaluate an argument.

This pattern isn’t unique to any one ideology. It appears wherever language is used to secure agreement before the argument begins. Language doesn’t just communicate ideas—it sets the terms under which those ideas can be questioned, and sometimes whether they can be questioned at all.

The DWR Friday Baroque Interlude – Cantata BWV 112 “Der Herr ist mein getreuer Hirt” – Bach

April 24, 2026 in Music | Tags: The DWR Friday Baroque Interlude - Cantata BWV 112 "Der Herr ist mein getreuer Hirt" - Bach | by The Arbourist | Leave a comment

Johann Sebastian Bach’s Der Herr ist mein getreuer Hirt, BWV 112 (1731), written for Good Shepherd Sunday, is a quietly luminous pastoral setting of Psalm 23 that trades drama for steady assurance. Built on a Lutheran chorale paraphrase, the cantata unfolds in a single, unified affect: gently lilting rhythms, warm oboe d’amore lines, and clear chorale textures create a sense of unhurried guidance rather than struggle. The opening chorus sets the tone with a flowing, almost dance-like calm; inner movements draw the listener inward through intimate arias and a brief recitative; and a simple closing chorale returns the music to communal ground. It is Bach at his most restrained and confident—less concerned with conflict than with the quiet, sustaining idea of trust.

A Quick Reminder: What We Know About China’s Human Rights Record

April 23, 2026 in Ethics, International Affairs | Tags: Authoritarianism, China, Global Politics, Hong Kong, Human Rights, Uyghurs, Xinjiang | by The Arbourist | 1 comment

There are debates where reasonable people can disagree but China’s human rights record is not one of them.

Over the past decade, a substantial body of reporting—by journalists, satellite analysis, leaked documents, and international organizations—has converged on a set of findings that are no longer seriously contested outside official denials.

Start with Xinjiang.

Evidence indicates that over a million Uyghurs and other Muslim minorities have been detained in a network of facilities described by the Chinese government as “vocational training centres.” Satellite imagery, survivor testimony, and leaked directives point to something else: mass internment, political indoctrination, and coercive control over religious and cultural life.

Accounts from former detainees describe:

forced renunciation of religious beliefs
constant surveillance
psychological pressure and, in some cases, physical abuse

Separate investigations have also documented:

forced labour programs linked to global supply chains
coercive birth control measures, including sterilization and IUD placement

These are not isolated allegations. They appear across multiple independent sources.

Move to Hong Kong.

Following the 2020 National Security Law, political dissent has been sharply curtailed:

pro-democracy figures arrested
independent media outlets shuttered
public protest effectively eliminated

The framework of “one country, two systems” remains in name, but its substance has been significantly reduced.

Then there is the broader system.

China operates one of the most sophisticated internal surveillance states in the world:

extensive camera networks
digital monitoring of speech and association
censorship regimes that restrict information flow

Criticism of the government can carry professional, legal, and personal consequences that extend beyond the individual.

None of this requires speculation. It requires attention.

What complicates the situation is not uncertainty about the facts, but the global context in which they exist. China is economically central, diplomatically influential, and deeply integrated into international systems. That creates incentives to soften language, delay responses, or treat clear abuses as matters of interpretation.

They are not.

There is room to debate how to respond—sanctions, engagement, decoupling, or something in between. There is less room to debate what is happening.

The record is already there and the question is whether we are willing to look at it directly.

Reference List

Xinjiang / Uyghur Detention & Abuses

Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. Assessment of human rights concerns in Xinjiang (2022)
https://www.ohchr.org/en/documents/country-reports/ohchr-assessment-human-rights-concerns-xinjiang-uyghur-autonomous
The New York Times. ‘Absolutely No Mercy’: Leaked Files Expose Mass Detentions (2019)
https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/11/16/world/asia/china-xinjiang-documents.html
Associated Press. China cuts Uyghur births with IUDs, sterilization (2020)
https://apnews.com/article/269b3de1af34e17c1941a514f78d764c

Hong Kong Crackdown

Amnesty International. Hong Kong National Security Law analysis
https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2020/06/hong-kong-national-security-law/

Surveillance / System-Level Control

Freedom House. Freedom in the World – China
https://freedomhouse.org/country/china/freedom-world

The SPLC Scandal Isn’t an Outlier—It’s a Blueprint

April 22, 2026 in Politics, Public Policy | Tags: Anti-Hate Industry, Canadian Anti-Hate Network, Free Speech, Institutional Corruption, Media and Discourse, Moral Entrepreneurship, SPLC | by The Arbourist | 2 comments

The scandal around the Southern Poverty Law Center matters for one reason above all: it exposes a mechanism.

If the allegations now before a U.S. court are borne out, the charge is stark: an organization built to fight extremism may have been financially entangled with the very actors it claims to oppose. The SPLC says this was an informant program. The Department of Justice says it was something else.

That distinction matters legally. But analytically, the incentive structure is already visible.

Create the threat. Amplify the threat. Position yourself as the authority on the threat. Then monetize the response.

That loop is the story.

And once you see it, you can’t unsee it.

Because the real danger isn’t confined to one American organization. It’s the export model.

“When institutions depend on a problem for their legitimacy, they do not simply respond to it.

They begin—slowly, rationally—to ensure it never goes away.”

In Canada, the same structural incentives are in play. Groups like the Canadian Anti-Hate Network operate within a system where funding, relevance, and authority are tied to the persistence of “hate” as a visible social problem. They do not need to fund extremists to reproduce the same dynamic. They only need to expand the boundary of what counts as extremism.

That is the quieter version of the same loop.

If your mandate depends on the persistence of a threat, then ambiguity becomes an asset. Lines blur. Categories stretch. Dissent edges toward designation. Over time, the distance between “wrong” and “dangerous” collapses.

You don’t need burning crosses if you can redefine disagreement as harm.

This is where the SPLC story stops being scandal and starts becoming signal.

Because the underlying logic is identical:

The problem must persist
The threat must remain legible
The institution must remain necessary

And if reality doesn’t supply enough fuel, the system has incentives to… supplement.

That doesn’t always mean fabrication. More often, it means selection, amplification, and framing. The worst examples are elevated. Edge cases become representative. Boundaries widen quietly.

Until the label “hate” no longer describes a phenomenon—it polices a conversation.

That’s the iceberg.

The visible scandal is shocking because it’s crude. Funding extremists while fundraising against extremism is a contradiction people can grasp immediately. But the more sophisticated version—the one that operates through classification, narrative control, and institutional trust—is harder to detect and far more durable.

And once embedded, it reshapes discourse itself.

People self-censor and institutions defer. Then the obsequious journalists haphazardly cite.

With no regard for truth the designation becomes the argument.

At that point, the system no longer needs to prove anything. It only needs to point.

The SPLC case, if proven, is the blunt instrument version of the problem. The more durable form operates without headlines, through incentives that reward threat maintenance over problem resolution.

That is the real risk.

Because when institutions depend on a problem for their legitimacy, they do not simply respond to it.

They begin, slowly and rationally, to ensure it never goes away.

Sources for readers

US Department of Justice: https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/federal-grand-jury-charges-southern-poverty-law-center-wire-fraud-false-statements-and
CNBC report on the federal indictment of the SPLC:
https://www.cnbc.com/2026/04/21/splc-indicted-doj-extremism-funding.html
The Guardian coverage including SPLC’s response and defense:
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2026/apr/21/splc-indictment-doj-response
Juno News reporting on Canadian Anti-Hate Network funding and criticism: https://junonews.com/2025/03/15/canadian-anti-hate-network-government-funding-controversy/

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Dead Wild Roses

Why High-Trust Societies Feel Safe (Until They Don’t)

“A system that adjusts sentencing to account for historical injustice may be justified in principle. But if those adjustments affect how long repeat offenders are incapacitated, the question is not ideological. It is practical: does the system reduce harm?”

Glossary

References

Arguing Is an Art. Listening Is the Condition That Makes It Work

The Three-Step Method

Why This Works

The Cost

The Payoff

Verdict

The DWR Friday Baroque Interlude – Cantata BWV 112 “Der Herr ist mein getreuer Hirt” – Bach

A Quick Reminder: What We Know About China’s Human Rights Record

Reference List

Xinjiang / Uyghur Detention & Abuses

Hong Kong Crackdown

Surveillance / System-Level Control

The SPLC Scandal Isn’t an Outlier—It’s a Blueprint

“When institutions depend on a problem for their legitimacy, they do not simply respond to it.

They begin—slowly, rationally—to ensure it never goes away.”

Sources for readers

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Dead Wild Roses

“A system that adjusts sentencing to account for historical injustice may be justified in principle. But if those adjustments affect how long repeat offenders are incapacitated, the question is not ideological. It is practical: does the system reduce harm?”

Glossary

References

Share this:

The Three-Step Method

Why This Works

The Cost

The Payoff

Verdict

Share this:

A society cannot sustain itself on permanent critique, because critique alone does not tell you what to build in its place, nor does it supply the habits of restraint needed to keep that construction from collapsing.”

Share this:

“By the time the argument begins, much of it has already been decided.”

“Lived experience”

“Social construct”

“Harm”

“Equity”

“Centering” / “Decentering”

“Problematic”

“Safe spaces”

Share this:

Share this:

Reference List

Xinjiang / Uyghur Detention & Abuses

Hong Kong Crackdown

Surveillance / System-Level Control

Share this:

“When institutions depend on a problem for their legitimacy, they do not simply respond to it.

They begin—slowly, rationally—to ensure it never goes away.”

Sources for readers

Share this:

This Blog best viewed with Ad-Block and Firefox!

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TAG CLOUD:What is growing at DWR

The best of the bouquet.

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