Believing in particular ideas and religions is okay, but try to keep the context of living in the 21st century where we need reality to be at the base of all important decisions.

Canadian cogitations about politics, social issues, and science. Vituperation optional.
Believing in particular ideas and religions is okay, but try to keep the context of living in the 21st century where we need reality to be at the base of all important decisions.

Just because I can never remember”Post hoc ergo propter hoc” when I need it.

How could one NOT feature this piece?
My apologies for the mix-up. “Take Five” is a jazz standard composed by Paul Desmond, recorded by the Dave Brubeck Quartet for their 1959 album *Time Out*. Its unorthodox 5/4 time signature, driven by Joe Morello’s innovative drumming, defies the standard 4/4 jazz rhythm, creating a hypnotic, swinging groove. Written in E♭ minor with a ternary ABA form, it features a catchy two-chord piano/bass vamp (E♭m–B♭m7) and Desmond’s cool, dry-martini saxophone melodies. Inspired by Brubeck’s 1958 Eurasian tour and Morello’s request for a 5/4 piece, Desmond’s two melodies were arranged by Brubeck after a grueling June 1959 session where the band struggled with the rhythm, finally nailing it in two takes on July 1. Initially a promotional single, it became a sleeper hit in 1961, reaching No. 25 on the Billboard Hot 100 and selling over a million copies—the first jazz single to do so. Its enduring appeal lies in its accessible yet adventurous structure, influencing countless 5/4 compositions and earning a 1996 Grammy Hall of Fame induction. Desmond’s royalties, post-1977, benefit the American Red Cross, averaging over $100,000 annually.[](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Take_Five)%5B%5D(https://www.npr.org/2000/11/19/1114201/take-five)%5B%5D(https://sing.fandom.com/wiki/Take_Five)

The solution to thwart this insidious strategy of systematically stripping Canadians of their rights lies in enforcing the law with unyielding equality, blind to race or religion, a principle that stands as the bedrock of a just society. The Rational Posts narrative reveals a troubling trend: public outrage over Muslims praying in streets or Indians celebrating Diwali with fireworks, and now shotguns on a bridge, triggers blanket bans, from Quebec’s prohibition on public prayer to municipal fireworks restrictions, effectively punishing entire communities rather than addressing specific transgressions. This corrosive approach, echoing the divisive echoes of Jim Crow or apartheid, corrodes multicultural unity and foments resentment, as social cohesion studies irrefutably demonstrate. Instead, precise legislation targeting reckless acts, such as discharging firearms irresponsibly, must replace these broad edicts, ensuring accountability without stifling cultural expression. Fair laws unite: bans divide. Let us, with urgent resolve, choose the former and reclaim a Canada where justice, not prejudice, prevails.
A ceaseless torrent of stories engulfs us: news reports, social media posts, advertisements. These narratives, far from impartial, bear the imprint of power, ideology, and commerce, often cloaked as unassailable truths. Georg Lukács’s theory of reification, rooted in Marxist critique, equips us to dissect how such tales solidify into perceived inevitabilities, obscuring the fluid, contested nature of social reality.
Reification, as Lukács articulates in History and Class Consciousness (1923), transmutes human relations and capacities into thing-like entities, severed from their historical and social origins. Building on Marx’s commodity fetishism—where social bonds masquerade as inherent traits of objects—Lukács extends this to capitalism’s pervasive grip. Society fractures into calculable, alienated forms, fostering a “contemplative passivity” before a “second nature” of seemingly immutable laws [1]. Objectively, labor and institutions morph into mechanical processes; a worker’s effort reduces to a wage, stripped of human agency. Subjectively, individuals perceive their own capacities as alien, commodified; a news story about “economic growth” masks exploitation as natural progress. This schism spawns epistemological fractures, where bourgeois thought struggles to reconcile human intention with the apparent objectivity of social structures [2].
Media reification unfolds systematically:
This process dulled scrutiny of inflation’s causes in recent years. Media pinned it on pandemic supply chain issues, while corporate price-gouging lingered in the shadows until alternative voices struggled to break through [3].
In 2021, Tk’emlúps te Secwépemc announced 215 potential unmarked graves at the former Kamloops Indian Residential School. Media framed this as evidence of genocide, cementing the narrative as truth. By 2025, no bodies were exhumed, claims shifted to “soil anomalies,” and federal probes stalled, with cultural sensitivities complicating excavations [4, 5, 6, 9]. Indigenous advocates urge deeper inquiry, but premature conclusions fueled church arsons and policy shifts, illustrating how media reification can outpace evidence [7, 13].
Alberta’s 2025 order to remove “sexually explicit” books from school libraries by October 1 led Edmonton Public Schools to purge over 200 titles, including Gender Queer and The Handmaid’s Tale. Media branded this a “book ban,” solidifying a narrative of censorship that drowned out debates over age-appropriateness, parental consent, and queer pedagogy’s educational role [8, 10, 14, 15]. Provincial leaders called the list “vicious compliance,” arguing it mislabeled classics as pornographic, yet the censorship frame entrenched division [11].
George Floyd’s 2020 murder propelled Black Lives Matter globally, with media casting it as emblematic of systemic racist policing—an undeniable factor in the tragedy. Yet the narrative simplified complexities, downplaying Floyd’s toxicology (fentanyl, hypertension) and officer training failures, framing the incident as singularly racial [12, 16, 17]. While galvanizing reform, this reification obscured socioeconomic drivers, fueling backlash and diluting broader discussions on policing [18].
Countering reification demands rigor:
Through such steps, we resist—not with cynicism, but with a relentless pursuit of totality, bridging subject-object divides for authentic understanding.

In the machinery of modern media, false narratives do not emerge spontaneously. They are the product of deliberate groundwork: the careful shaping of public perception before an event occurs. Borrowing from military doctrine this tactic is called operational preparation of the environment (OPE) which are defined as activities that enhance situational awareness and set conditions for future operations.1 When adapted to the information domain, OPE becomes narrative control: seeding frames, priming audiences, and conditioning reflexive responses that can be triggered later for maximum effect.
Adversaries whether geopolitical rivals, activist networks, or opportunistic elites exploit this tactic by sowing division. The result is a public primed for outrage, where engineered crises and isolated incidents ignite prearranged narratives. Spotting these patterns is the first step toward resisting them.
Narrative preparation often begins with repetition. Specific terms are echoed across platforms until they seem self-evident. Phrases like “stochastic terrorism” or “rising anti-LGBTQ hate” do not spread organically; they are priming devices. For instance, drag events framed as battlegrounds for “bigotry” and “inclusion” gain prominence not because of isolated incidents alone, but because media amplification primes audiences to see a pattern of systemic oppression.2
Consider also the long arc of the “racist policing” narrative. From Ferguson in 2014, through the cases of Michael Brown and Breonna Taylor, to the killing of George Floyd in 2020, framing evolved but the groundwork ensured predictable outrage.3 Media studies confirm that such coverage often prioritizes framing over fact, shaping reflexive responses rather than reasoned analysis.4
Once the ground is prepared, selective amplification takes over. An isolated incident for instance, graffiti on a council office, a slur at a rally—balloons into emblematic proof of a “hate wave.” Counter-evidence, such as a shooter’s non-binary identity, often disappears from coverage because it disrupts the narrative arc.5
This is not journalism as truth-seeking; it is journalism as engineering. Narrative amplification corrodes credibility, manufacturing crises that serve political and cultural goals. International rivals such as Russia and China employ similar techniques, weaponizing narrative dominance in conflicts and domestic politics alike.6
A recent example illustrates how this process operates in Canada. In 2025, the Edmonton Public School Board (EPSB) was accused of “book banning” after it questioned the suitability of certain titles with explicit sexual themes. Activist networks and sympathetic media framed the issue as a matter of “queer affirmation” and censorship. Yet, as I argued in a prior essay, this was not about censorship at all but about narrative warfare; casting parental concerns as bigotry while advancing a predetermined ideological script.7 The case demonstrates how operational preparation of the environment works at the local level: emotional language, repetition of “book ban” rhetoric, and selective omission of context primed audiences for outrage.
What does media literacy look like in this landscape? It means detecting the telltale signs of OPE:
The solution is not paranoia but discipline. Verify facts independently, resist outrage cycles, and name the tactic when you see it—“this is OPE unfolding.” Exposing the method robs it of its power. In the contested terrain of fifth-generation warfare, awareness is both shield and sword.

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