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About fucking time the facade of youth gender medicine’s supposed infallibility is crumbling. For years, the trans rights movement has peddled the emotionally manipulative lie that denying children puberty blockers or cross-sex hormones is tantamount to signing their death warrants—a claim rooted in social blackmail rather than evidence. The Atlantic article exposes this narrative, epitomized by phrases like “Would you rather have a dead son than a live daughter?” as collapsing under scrutiny. During Supreme Court arguments in the Skrmetti case, ACLU lawyer Chase Strangio admitted there’s no evidence linking medical transition to reduced adolescent suicide rates, a concession that exposes the hollowness of the movement’s loudest rallying cry. Systematic reviews further debunk the myth, showing no increase in suicides when blockers were restricted in England. The left’s bubble, sustained by zombie facts and a refusal to engage with critics, has been punctured by undeniable truths—truths skeptics have long pointed out, only to be shouted down.
I told you so: the so-called evidence base for youth gender medicine is a house of cards built on citation laundering and ideological zeal. American clinics, deviating from the cautious Dutch protocol, often prescribe blockers on first visits, bypassing thorough assessments. WPATH, the supposed gold standard, has been caught suppressing inconvenient research, with internal doubts about weak evidence buried to protect political goals. Rachel Levine’s push to remove age minimums for surgeries was a calculated move to dodge conservative attacks, not a science-driven decision. Meanwhile, practitioners like Johanna Olson-Kennedy, who casually dismissed adolescent regret with “you can go and get [breasts],” reveal a cavalier attitude toward irreversible procedures. The left’s sanctimonious insistence on “settled science” is nothing but a confabulation, propped up by medical associations’ politically influenced consensus rather than rigorous data.
The legal system, for all its flaws, has finally dragged these lies into the light—about fucking time. Court cases like Skrmetti and Alabama’s litigation exposed WPATH’s internal admissions of shaky evidence and their efforts to muzzle researchers whose findings didn’t align with the narrative. The Cass report, dismissed by American advocates as “subjective,” challenged WPATH’s authority with systematic reviews recommending caution. Yet, the left clings to its bubble, accusing outlets like The New York Times of “manufacturing” debate. Skeptics, long vilified as bigots, have been vindicated: the evidence is inconclusive, the risks are real, and the emotional blackmail is unconscionable. Supporting trans rights doesn’t require endorsing experimental treatments for kids, and it’s high time liberals faced this reality instead of doubling down on discredited dogma.
Bibliography
- Lewis, Helen. “The Liberal Misinformation Bubble About Youth Gender Medicine.” The Atlantic, June 29, 2025. https://archive.is/1PP0D.
Carefully look at the list. See the absence of one key demographic? The ACLU continues to be up its own arse whenever it has to deal with rights issues that effect half of the population.
Helen Lewis writes in her article in The Atlantic of a solution grounded it pragmatic and realistic terms:
“When I questioned the wisdom of foregrounding the small minority of people who seek abortions but do not identify as women, the ACLU’s Branstetter told me, “Transgender people do not have the privilege of pretending that we do not exist. When we use inclusive language, it’s because we recognize that transgender people do exist.” Such language, she argued, is “not at all at odds with the broader mission of ensuring that anyone who wants an abortion can have access to it.” Yet little evidence suggests that the ostentatious banishment of women will help the American abortion-rights campaign succeed. In Britain, where I live, the British Pregnancy Advisory Service, a major abortion provider, announced that it would continue to use women and other gendered language in much of its general literature, while developing tailored materials for clients who identify otherwise. Not only has the sky not fallen as a result, but Britons continue to have access to state-funded abortions, paid for out of general taxation. While American charities congratulate themselves on the purity of their language, the communities they serve—people of all genders who could have a free abortion in Britain—struggle to access terminations. No one should be polishing their halo here.”
What? You mean you do not have to blow up the current system of meanings and protections just to accommodate a small minority of people? It is, in fact, possible as tailoring services to specific demographics can be done without erasing females from society.
Well done British Pregnancy Advisory Service. Boo ACLU.
“Intersectionality shows us that everyone could do better; that every attempt at rolling back discrimination could work harder and be more inclusive. But it should also remind us that people themselves are more than a simple label: “white feminist”; “middle-class man”; “posh boy”; “Twitter bully”. Here are some of the things I know that the kind of feminists regularly decried for their privilege have had to deal with, in private: eating disorder relapses; rape; the stalking of their children; redundancy; clinical depression; the sectioning of a family member; an anxiety disorder that made every train ride and theatre trip an agony. (Yes, one of those descriptions is me.)
None of this is to say that feminism shouldn’t be open to criticism. When Caroline Crampton and I got together our bloggers last year for a New Statesman debate about feminism, the response was . . . well, there were two responses. There was criticism that was constructive: for example, the deviously persuasive Karen Ingala Smith managed to parlay her disappointment that we didn’t talk enough about rape into making me join the board of her VAWG charity. And there was criticism that was destructive, aimed at wounding us for not representing every possible permutation of womanhood. (I laughed when one particularly enthusiastic deconstructor, when asked: “Well, how can you possibly make a six-person panel totally representative of half of humanity?”, came back with, “Oh, that’s why I don’t believe in panel discussions.”)”
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