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The UK’s immigration argument increasingly sounds like destiny rather than policy. People don’t just disagree about numbers; they disagree about whether the state can still enforce boundaries, integrate newcomers into a shared civic order, and speak plainly about what’s happening. When those basic functions look weak or evasive, the vacuum gets filled with bigger stories—decline, betrayal, “takeover,” inevitability.

A sober view starts with what can be verified quickly.

What the numbers say

Recent UK migration trends are not a one-way escalator. The Office for National Statistics (ONS) estimates long-term net migration at 204,000 in the year ending June 2025, down from 649,000 the year before. In the same release, ONS estimates long-term immigration at 898,000 and emigration at 693,000.

That decline doesn’t instantly relieve pressure on housing, schools, or services—those systems lag. But it does mean any serious argument has to acknowledge that inflows can change materially under policy and economic conditions.

At the same time, irregular Channel crossings remain the public symbol of “rules don’t work,” regardless of their share of total immigration. Home Office statistics report 46,000 detected arrivals via illegal routes in the year ending December 2025, including 41,000 small-boat arrivals. Politics runs on salience: one visible failure can outweigh many invisible successes.

The asylum system itself is measurable. In the year ending December 2025 the Home Office reports 101,000 asylum claims, 135,000 initial decisions, a 42% grant rate, and 64,000 people awaiting an initial decision at end-December—along with large numbers receiving asylum support, including hotel use. Whatever your values, those are not vibes; they are levers.

Why the argument stays hot even when net migration falls

The debate persists because it is not only about totals. It is about legitimacy: can the state say, credibly, we know who is coming, under what rules, and we can enforce outcomes?

Legitimacy gets harder when estimates change and messaging sounds like PR. The House of Commons Library notes revisions that lowered the estimated net migration figure for the year ending December 2024 (revised to 345,000 from a previously published 431,000). Revisions happen in good faith in statistical work. The political problem is how they land: when people already suspect evasiveness, revisions are read as concealment.

A skeptic will object that “competence” isn’t merely a technical problem; it’s a political one. The worry is not that the state lacks spreadsheets, but that it lacks will: that enforcement is endlessly promised and rarely delivered, and that the system is managed as public relations rather than rule-of-law administration. That objection can’t be waved away. It’s precisely why visible targets, transparent reporting, and demonstrable closure matter: they are the only antidote to the suspicion that the system is performative.

In that atmosphere, administrative failure is quickly translated into moral narrative: the public stops arguing about systems and starts arguing about betrayal.

A necessary constraint: Britain is not a “monolith” story

If you want a steelmanable argument, you have to keep two truths in view.

First, the UK has genuine capacity and integration questions. Second, collective suspicion is both wrong and self-defeating.

A useful demographic anchor: in the 2021 Census for England and Wales, 6.5% of the population (3.9 million) identified as Muslim, up from 4.9% in 2011. That is a significant minority, not a majority—nor a single political bloc. Treating millions of people as a unified will is rhetorical convenience, not analysis.

And the cost of careless rhetoric is not theoretical. A Commons committee report cites 4,478 hate crimes against Muslims in England and Wales in the year ending March 2025. When systems feel out of control, scapegoating rises. Competence is therefore not just technocratic; it’s preventative.

None of this requires pretending integration is automatic. Some communities integrate faster than others; neighbourhood concentration, school pressures, and public-order flashpoints are real issues in parts of the country. The serious question is not whether problems exist, but whether the UK can measure them honestly—language attainment, employment, educational outcomes, and crime (victimization and offending) by clear categories—and then enforce civic norms consistently without collapsing into group blame.

The real lesson: competence drains the market for fate stories

The UK does not need prophecy. It needs closure—visible, lawful closure.

That means:

  • Fast, transparent processing of asylum claims and appeals, with published targets and plain reporting. (Throughput has already moved; durability is the test.)
  • A credible “no” alongside a humane “yes”—because if failed claims rarely produce timely outcomes, the public stops distinguishing between migration streams and everything becomes one undifferentiated panic.
  • Clear public separation of migration categories (work, study, family, humanitarian, irregular entry), so “migration” stops being a fog-word that guarantees misunderstanding. Oxford’s Migration Observatory is a model of that clarity.
  • An integration bargain that isn’t embarrassed of itself: language acquisition, equal protection under law, and consistent enforcement against coercive practices—paired with a refusal to treat entire communities as enemies.

When the state can do those things, public debate becomes governable again. When it cannot, the loudest narratives will always be the simplest: destiny, decline, takeover. Not because they are the best explanations, but because they match what people feel.

References

 

1) Office for National Statistics (ONS) — Long-term international migration, provisional: year ending June 2025
https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/populationandmigration/internationalmigration/bulletins/longterminternationalmigrationprovisional/yearendingjune2025

2) UK Home Office — Immigration system statistics, year ending December 2025: Summary of latest statistics
https://www.gov.uk/government/statistics/immigration-system-statistics-year-ending-december-2025/summary-of-latest-statistics

3) UK Home Office — Immigration system statistics, year ending December 2025: Illegal entry routes (detail page)
https://www.gov.uk/government/statistics/immigration-system-statistics-year-ending-december-2025/how-many-people-come-to-the-uk-via-illegal-entry-routes

4) UK Parliament — House of Commons Library: Recent updates to UK migration estimates (CBP-10446)
https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/research-briefings/cbp-10446/

5) Office for National Statistics (ONS) — Religion, England and Wales: Census 2021
https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/culturalidentity/religion/bulletins/religionenglandandwales/census2021

6) UK Parliament — Women and Equalities Committee report (PDF): Discrimination, harassment and abuse against Muslim women
https://committees.parliament.uk/publications/51305/documents/285022/default/

7) Oxford Migration Observatory — Who migrates to the UK and why?
https://migrationobservatory.ox.ac.uk/resources/briefings/who-migrates-to-the-uk-and-why/

This week’s Sunday Disservice starts with a conversation many institutions would rather classify than confront.

In a recent podcast, @PeterBoghossian interviews @RaymondIbrahim on Islamic history, immigration, persecution, and what the West is currently too timid to say plainly. The discussion is blunt, often provocative, and at points rhetorically hot. But beneath the heat is a real question—one our political and media class keeps trying to bury under etiquette:

What happens when a civilization with weak borders, weak confidence, and elite moral vanity collides with a religious-political tradition that contains militant, expansionist, and supremacist strains in its textual and legal history?

That is not a “hate” question. It is a civilizational one.

Let me state the guardrails clearly before the usual bad-faith scripts arrive. This is not a blanket condemnation of Muslims as people. It is a warning about militant political Islam (Islamism), doctrinal honesty, and Western cowardice. If we cannot distinguish between peaceful Muslim neighbours, ordinary religious practice, and organized Islamist ambitions, then we cannot think clearly, legislate clearly, or defend liberal norms.

That distinction is not a concession. It is the price of seriousness.

One of the most useful things about the Boghossian/Ibrahim conversation is that it forces several taboo questions onto the table at once. Do Islamic texts and traditions contain durable frameworks of conquest and subjugation? What happens when Western nations import large populations faster than they can assimilate them into a liberal civic culture? Why is criticism of doctrine so quickly recoded as “Islamophobia” before the argument is even heard? And why do elite institutions consistently treat ideology as a tone problem?

That last point matters most. The West has become exceptionally good at policing language and exceptionally bad at confronting ideology. We can produce endless seminars on inclusion, sensitivity, and anti-bias procedures. But ask whether a movement’s legal and political doctrines are compatible with free speech, equality before the law, women’s rights, or national sovereignty, and suddenly the room gets nervous.

This is where the conversation gets hard, and where it needs to stay hard.

We should be wary of militant political Islam because it is not merely a private spirituality. In its political forms, it makes claims about law, social order, blasphemy, apostasy, gender hierarchy, and rule. And yes, some of those claims are rooted in texts, jurisprudence, and historical models that include conquest, submission, and supremacy. Pretending otherwise does not make us tolerant. It makes us unserious.

A free society’s first duty is not to flatter itself for being “inclusive.” It is to identify, as accurately as possible, which ideas and movements can coexist with liberal order and which ones seek to erode or replace it.

That is where the West keeps failing.

We fail first by collapsing distinctions. Instead of discriminating analytically between doctrine, movement, community, and individual, institutions collapse everything into one emotional command: Do not stigmatize. That may feel humane in the short term. In practice it disables scrutiny and protects bad actors who thrive in ambiguity.

We fail second by treating assimilation as cruelty. A functioning country is allowed to expect newcomers to adapt to its laws, civic norms, and constitutional order. That is not oppression. That is state survival. Multiculturalism without boundaries is not pluralism; it is administrative denial.

We fail third by confusing criticism of ideology with hatred of persons. If criticism of Christianity is permitted (and it is, loudly), criticism of Islamic doctrine must also be permitted. Equal standards are not bigotry. They are the baseline of intellectual honesty.

This is why the topic belongs squarely in DWR territory. It is not only an immigration question. It is a women’s-rights question, a free-speech question, and a state-capacity question.

You cannot defend women’s rights while refusing to examine ideological systems that normalize coercive gender hierarchy. You cannot defend free speech while treating some doctrines as effectively criticism-proof. And you cannot maintain democratic legitimacy if citizens are only allowed to discuss immigration inside a narrow moral frame pre-approved by media, bureaucracy, and activist gatekeepers.

Canada is not Europe. But Canada is not exempt from the same habits of evasion.

Our elite reflex is managerial: smooth the language, moralize the critics, and call that social peace. But a country cannot govern immigration, integration, and security through branding. It has to ask adult questions: Who is coming? On what terms? Into what civic culture? With what expectations of assimilation? And what happens when imported norms clash with Charter norms?

If those questions are treated as taboo, then policy has already outrun democratic consent.

A serious country should be able to say five things at once:

  1. Most Muslims are not terrorists.
  2. Islamist ideology is real.
  3. Religious doctrines can and should be criticized.
  4. Immigration policy must consider assimilation and social cohesion.
  5. Women’s rights and free speech are non-negotiable in the West.

If we cannot say all five, we are not having a serious conversation. We are managing appearances.

That is why this episode matters. @PeterBoghossian and @RaymondIbrahim are not valuable here because they are provocative (though they are). They are valuable because they are willing to press on a question many people can feel but fewer are willing to state plainly: a society that loses the nerve to name ideological conflict in clear language eventually loses the ability to govern it.

The deeper problem is not only extremism. It is conceptual weakness at the top.

We are being trained to treat clarity as cruelty and euphemism as virtue. That is how free societies become soft targets.

The test is simple: can we examine doctrine, policy, immigration, and assimilation without being moralized into silence?

If not, then the surrender has already begun—not at the border, but in the mind.

 

What say you?
Is the West’s bigger problem right now extremism itself — or a ruling class too timid to name it accurately?

Canada finds itself at a crossroads. In recent years, per capita GDP growth has stalled, productivity remains sluggish, and housing, healthcare, and infrastructure face mounting pressure. These trends have prompted urgent debate about the causes of stagnation, ranging from global economic shifts and demographic aging to domestic policy decisions. Among commentators, JD Vance recently sparked attention with pointed critiques of Canada’s immigration policies and multicultural model, framing them as principal contributors to declining living standards. Beyond the immediate provocation, his intervention highlights a deeper question: how should Canadians assess responsibility for the state of their economy?

Immigration, Policy Choices, and Economic Outcomes

Canada’s foreign-born population now stands at approximately 23 percent, the highest in the G7, reflecting a sharp rise over the past decade. This increase was accelerated by post-pandemic labor shortages and policy decisions prioritizing high-volume admissions. While immigration is a crucial driver of population growth and labor supply, recent evidence indicates that integration has lagged, particularly for newcomers with credentials or skills mismatched to domestic demand. Unemployment rates among recent immigrants are approximately twice those of Canadian-born workers, and overall productivity growth has remained below historical trends.

These outcomes underscore a key point: while external factors including global commodity cycles, trade dynamics, and U.S. policy affect Canada’s economy, domestic decisions regarding immigration volume, infrastructure investment, and skills integration exert primary influence over living standards. The choice to expand immigration without simultaneously scaling capacity for integration, housing, and healthcare has consequences that voters ultimately authorize at the ballot box.


Stoic Lessons for Civic Responsibility

Confronted with these structural and policy realities, Canadians might feel tempted to externalize blame to markets, foreign governments, or pundits. Here, the Stoic philosophers offer timeless guidance. Marcus Aurelius wrote in his Meditations: “You have power over your mind—not outside events. Realize this, and you will find strength.” Epictetus similarly asserted: “It’s not what happens to you, but how you react to it that matters.” These principles demand that citizens distinguish between factors within their control and those beyond it, focusing energy on the former.

Stoicism is not a creed of passivity. It insists on rigorous self-examination and deliberate action. In Canada’s context, this means acknowledging the consequences of policy choices and recognizing that solutions—whether adjusting immigration strategy, improving integration programs, or investing in productivity-enhancing infrastructure—lie within domestic capacity.


Pathways to Renewal

Practical measures aligned with these principles include:

  1. Aligning immigration targets with absorptive capacity: Recent adjustments to temporary resident admissions, reducing projected numbers by approximately 43 percent, illustrate the potential for recalibration.
  2. Prioritizing skill-aligned integration: Investing in credential recognition, language training, and targeted labor placement can ensure that new arrivals contribute effectively to productivity.
  3. Strengthening domestic infrastructure and services: Housing, healthcare, and transportation require proportional investment to match demographic growth.
  4. Informed civic engagement: Voting with awareness of policy consequences is fundamental to maintaining democratic accountability and ensuring long-term economic stability.

By taking responsibility, Canadians act in accordance with Stoic precepts: focusing on what they can control rather than scapegoating external forces. The challenge is not merely economic—it is moral and civic. Prosperity depends as much on deliberate collective action as on external circumstance.


Conclusion

Canada’s stagnating living standards are the product of complex factors, yet domestic choices remain decisive. While commentary from external observers like JD Vance may provoke discomfort, the underlying lesson is clear: sovereignty entails responsibility, and agency begins at home. To confront stagnation, Canadians must embrace candid assessment of policy outcomes, deliberate reform, and disciplined civic engagement. In the words of Seneca: “We suffer more often in imagination than in reality.” Facing the realities we have constructed—and acting to improve them—is the first step toward renewal.

 

References


Glossary

  • Per Capita GDP: The average economic output per person, often used as a measure of living standards.
  • Productivity: Output per unit of input; a key driver of sustainable economic growth.
  • Integration Programs: Policies and services designed to help immigrants participate effectively in the labor market and society.
  • Absorptive Capacity: The ability of a system (economy, infrastructure, institutions) to accommodate growth without adverse effects.
  • Stoicism: Philosophical framework emphasizing rational control over one’s mind and actions rather than external circumstances.

 

The Stoics taught that excess corrupts both the soul and the body politic. Seneca warned that chasing boundless expansion courts ruin — true prosperity lies not in defiance of limits, but in living in accordance with nature’s measure. Marcus Aurelius similarly counseled restraint, urging us to act within the bounds of reason and accept the limits placed upon us. Applied to governance, this means a nation — like an individual — must assess its capacities before inviting more mouths to the table.

Canada’s recent immigration trajectory betrayed this principle. In 2023, the country added more than 1.27 million people — an annual growth rate of roughly 3.2 percent, driven overwhelmingly by international migration. (Statistics Canada) Over just a few years, the population climbed from under 39 million to over 41 million.

For years, permanent-resident targets hovered near 500,000, and temporary resident classes — students, workers, etc. — swelled. By 2025, however, disturbing strains were showing: housing shortages, rent and price inflation, pressure on health services, and signs of wage stress.

These were not speculative risks. Empirical analyses from bodies such as the Bank of Canada and CMHC correlate rapid population inflows with housing-market pressure. Public opinion followed suit. By late 2025, polling indicated that nearly two-thirds of Canadians considered even the then-reduced target for permanent residents (395,000) too high; roughly half held consistently negative views on immigration, not out of xenophobia, but from perceived stress on infrastructure and housing.

Recognizing this, Ottawa has begun to recalibrate. In its 2025–2027 Immigration Levels Plan, released publicly, the government committed to 395,000 permanent residents in 2025, then reducing to 380,000 in 2026 and 365,000 in 2027. (Canada) Even more significantly, temporary resident targets dropped: from 673,650 new TRs in 2025 to 516,600 in 2026, with further moderation planned. (Canada)

The demographic effects are already materializing. As of mid-2025, Canada’s estimated population growth slowed to 0.9 percent year-over-year, according to RBC Economics, with non-permanent residents making up a smaller share. (RBC) This slowdown itself validates the Stoic critique of overreach — a moment of reckoning for policy driven by expansion rather than equilibrium.

This retreat is welcome, but it remains reactive. From a Stoic perspective, reactive virtue is still virtue, but prudence demands more: a wisdom that designs policy proactively, not merely corrects after crisis. A Stoic polity would have matched immigration flows to real, measurable capacity long ago — gauging housing pipelines, healthcare strain, wage effects, and social cohesion.

Immigration in moderation enriches: it brings talent, innovation, and human flourishing. But unmoored from institutional capacity, it sows fragility, inequality, and resentment.

Going forward, Canada needs to institutionalize sophrosyne — the classical virtue of temperance and self-mastery. Targets should be set not by political fantasy or corporate lobbying, but by clear metrics: housing completions, per-capita infrastructure strain, healthcare wait-lists, and social stability.

The recent dialing back is a start. But true Stoic governance demands that moderation becomes a structural norm, not just a temporary correction. Only then can the polity live in accord with nature — virtuous, resilient, and enduring.

 

 


References

  1. Government of Canada, 2025–2027 Immigration Levels Plan. Permanent resident targets: 395,000 (2025), 380,000 (2026), 365,000 (2027). (Canada)
  2. Canada.ca, Government of Canada reduces immigration. Temporary resident reductions, projected decline in temporary population by 445,901 in 2025. (Canada)
  3. RBC Economics, Canada’s population growth slows… — mid-2025 year-over-year growth of 0.9%, share of non-permanent residents falling. (RBC)
  4. Statistics Canada, Population estimates, Q4 2024. International migration accounted for 98.5% of growth in Q4 2024. (Statistics Canada)
  5. CIC News, 2026-2028 Immigration Levels Plan will include new measures… — TR targets for 2026: 385,000 quoted, among other reductions. (CIC News)
  6. CIBC Thought Leadership, Population-growth projections… — analysis of visa expiry, outflows, and the challenge of non-permanent resident accounting. (cms.thoughtleadership.cibc.com)

Glossary of Key Terms

Term Meaning / Explanation
Sophrosyne A classical Greek virtue (especially important to Stoics): moderation, temperance, self-control, and harmony with nature. In this context, it means setting immigration policy in proportion to real capacity.
Non-Permanent Resident (NPR) Individuals in Canada on temporary visas: students, temporary foreign workers, etc. Not permanent residents or citizens.
Permanent Resident (PR) Someone who has been granted permanent residency in Canada: not a citizen yet, but has the right to live and work permanently.
Levels Plan / Immigration Levels Plan The Canadian government’s multi-year plan setting targets for new permanent and temporary immigrant admissions.
Absorptive Capacity The realistic capacity of a country (or region) to accommodate newcomers without undue strain: infrastructure, housing, healthcare, labour market, social services.
Reactive Virtue vs. Proactive Wisdom In Stoic terms: responding wisely after the fact (reactive) is good, but better is anticipating and designing policy with foresight (proactive).

 

      Poland’s ascent to a $1 trillion economy in September 2025 marks a remarkable transformation. Emerging from the wreckage of Soviet control, Poland has become one of Europe’s fastest-growing economies over the past three decades. With GDP growth projected at 3.2 percent for 2025, unemployment near 3 percent (harmonized), and inflation moderating to 2.8 percent in August, it demonstrates resilience and steady progress.

Canada, with a nominal GDP of roughly $2.39 trillion, is richer in absolute terms but faces weaker dynamics: growth forecasts of just 1.2 percent, unemployment climbing to 7.1 percent in August, and persistent concerns over productivity and rising public debt. The contrast raises an important question: which elements of Poland’s success can Canada responsibly adapt to its own very different circumstances?


1. Manufacturing Capacity and Industrial Resilience

Poland’s economy has benefited from retaining a strong industrial base, especially in automotive, machinery, and technology supply chains closely integrated with Germany. This foundation has provided steady export growth and employment, while limiting excessive reliance on fragile overseas supply chains.

Canada, by contrast, has seen its manufacturing share of GDP shrink over decades as industries relocated or hollowed out. While Canada cannot replicate Poland’s role as a mid-cost hub inside the EU, it could adapt the principle: incentivize the repatriation or expansion of high-value sectors (e.g., EV manufacturing, critical minerals processing, aerospace). Strategic tax credits, infrastructure investment, and streamlined permitting could restore resilience and provide middle-class employment.

Lesson for Canada: industrial renewal need not mean autarky, but building domestic capacity in key sectors reduces vulnerability to shocks — as Poland’s stability during recent European crises shows.


2. Immigration Policy and Integration Capacity

Poland has pursued a relatively selective immigration system, prioritizing labor market fit and manageable inflows. While Poland remains relatively homogeneous (Eurostat estimates about 98% ethnic Polish in 2022), its policy has focused on ensuring newcomers integrate into economic and cultural life. The result has been high employment among migrants and limited social disruption compared with some Western European peers.

Canada, by contrast, accepts large inflows — even after scaling back targets to 395,000 permanent residents in 2025 — and faces housing pressures and uneven integration outcomes. Canada’s homicide rate (2.27 per 100,000 in 2022) is higher than Poland’s (0.68), though crime is shaped by many factors beyond immigration. Still, rapid population growth without infrastructure, housing, and language capacity has heightened social strains.

Lesson for Canada: immigration policy should balance humanitarian goals with absorptive capacity. Emphasizing labor alignment, regional settlement, and language proficiency — as Poland has done — would help ensure inflows strengthen productivity while minimizing stress on housing and services.


3. Cultural Continuity and Heritage as Assets

Poland has paired modernization with deliberate protection of its cultural identity. The restoration of Kraków and Warsaw not only preserves heritage but fuels a thriving tourism sector. National traditions, rooted in Catholicism for many Poles, have also informed family policy (e.g., child benefits) and provided a sense of cohesion during rapid economic change.

Canada’s pluralism differs fundamentally, and it cannot — and should not — mimic Poland’s religious or cultural model. Yet Canada can still learn from the broader principle: treating heritage and shared narratives as economic and social assets rather than obstacles. Investments in Indigenous landmarks, Francophone culture, and historic architecture could enrich tourism, foster pride, and strengthen cohesion. Likewise, family-supportive policies (parental leave, child benefits, flexible work arrangements) are essential as Canada faces declining fertility and an aging workforce.

Lesson for Canada: cultural preservation and demographic support are not nostalgic luxuries — they can reinforce economic stability and social cohesion.


4. Fiscal Prudence and Monetary Autonomy

Poland’s choice to retain the zloty rather than adopt the euro preserved monetary flexibility. Combined with relatively conservative fiscal policies (public debt at about 49% of GDP in 2024, well below EU ceilings), this has allowed Poland to respond to crises with agility while maintaining competitiveness.

Canada already benefits from its own currency, but fiscal expansion has pushed federal debt above 65% of GDP. While Canada’s wealth affords greater borrowing room, long-term sustainability requires discipline. Poland’s experience suggests that debt caps, counter-cyclical saving, and careful monetary coordination can preserve resilience without stifling growth.

Lesson for Canada: fiscal credibility is itself an economic asset. Setting clearer debt-to-GDP targets and enforcing discipline would strengthen Canada’s ability to weather global volatility.


Conclusion

Poland’s trajectory is not without challenges. It faces demographic decline, reliance on EU subsidies, and governance controversies that Canada would not wish to replicate. But its achievements underscore a vital truth: prosperity need not mean sacrificing resilience, identity, or cohesion.

For Canada, the actionable lessons are clear:

  • rebuild key industries,

  • align immigration with integration capacity,

  • invest in heritage and families,

  • and re-anchor fiscal policy in prudence.

Adapted to Canadian realities, these reforms could help lift growth closer to 3 percent, reduce unemployment, and restore a sense of national momentum.

References

  • International Monetary Fund (IMF). World Economic Outlook Database, October 2025.

  • Statistics Canada. Labour Force Survey, August 2025.

  • Eurostat. Population Structure and Migration Statistics, 2022–2025.

  • OECD. Economic Outlook: Poland and Canada, 2025.

  • World Bank. World Development Indicators, 2024–2025.

  • UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Global Homicide Statistics, 2022.

  • National Bank of Poland. Annual Report, 2024.

  • Government of Canada. Immigration Levels Plan 2025–2027.

  This except from “Why Some U.S. Border Agents Are Contemplating Suicide” – By Michele DeMarco and Joe Nocera

 

“The Biden administration’s policy has been to release migrants into the U.S. so long as they say they have “credible fear” of returning to their native countries. The migrants have all been instructed to use the phrase—and the agents feel hamstrung when they hear it. In December 2023, for example, over 75 percent of the nearly 250,000 migrants who illegally crossed the border were released into the U.S. with nothing more than a notice to appear at some future date in immigration court. Immigration courts are currently backlogged with more than 3 million pending cases.”

 

It is true of most occupations that deal with social interactions with humans: It isn’t the job that wears you down, it is the drain on your psyche and energy that gets you.  These Border Patrol agents interviewed are stuck in a grey paralyzed swamp of indecision and futility.

You can see where they are coming from.

I was surprised as anyone with the announcement by Angela Merkel that multiculturalism was a failure.  The internal pressures she must have been facing must have been enormous as one would think that changing an official program of multiculturalism could be done without such grandiose announcements.

“Germany’s chancellor says attempts to create a multicultural society in the country have “utterly failed.”

Angela Merkel said Saturday that the concept that different cultures can live happily side by side does not work”

Well at least not in the way it has been working in Germany?  Canada is a multicultural country and it seems to work pretty well here.  There are differences though, but one would think that Germany, being a strong secular democracy, could reasonably accommodate immigrants of any stripe.

“She stressed that immigrants need to do more to integrate, including learning to speak German.

Merkel’s comments came as Reuters news agency said she is facing pressure from within the party to take a stronger stance on immigrants who don’t appear willing to integrate into German society”

This seems announcement seems to be going hand in hand with the growing levels of immigration from Islamic countries.  I would have to say that if you are immigrating to a country it would be responsible on your behalf to take up said countries laws and customs.  The secular rule of law is non-negotiable when it comes to integrating into a new society.

“Immigration issues have become a hot topic, and a recent survey by the Friedrich Ebert Foundation think-tank indicated more than 30 per cent of Germans believe the country is “overrun by foreigners.”

We will have to watch Germany carefully to see exactly what sort of response the government has in store.  Will it be xenophobic nationalism or a clearer definition of  what immigrating to Germany means, something in between?

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