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Jacques Ellul’s Definition of Propaganda Compared to Common Understanding
Jacques Ellul, in his seminal work Propaganda: The Formation of Men’s Attitudes (1962), presents a nuanced and expansive definition of propaganda that diverges significantly from its common understanding. Commonly, propaganda is perceived as deliberate, often deceptive messaging by governments or organizations to manipulate public opinion for political ends, such as wartime posters or authoritarian regime broadcasts. Ellul, however, redefines propaganda as a sociological phenomenon inherent to modern, literate, industrial societies, encompassing not only overt political campaigns but also subtle, pervasive influences embedded in media, culture, and technology. This essay contrasts the popular perception of propaganda as obvious, old-style war propaganda with its modern, subtler form, clarifying how propaganda works today by marrying truth to a lie, providing truth out of context, or being misleading in ways that mask the propagandist’s true intent.
The Common Perception: Old-Style Obvious War Propaganda
Most people envision propaganda as the blatant, heavy-handed messaging seen during wartime or under authoritarian regimes. This “old-style” propaganda includes iconic examples like World War I and II posters—think “Uncle Sam Wants You” or “Loose Lips Sink Ships”—or Nazi broadcasts demonizing enemies. These efforts were characterized by:
- Clear Intent: The goal was unmistakable, whether to boost morale, recruit soldiers, or vilify opponents.
- Emotional Appeals: Fear, patriotism, or anger were leveraged to provoke immediate reactions.
- Obvious Bias: Exaggerations, stereotypes, or outright lies made the manipulation evident to a critical observer.
This type of propaganda was easy to spot due to its overt nature and reliance on simplistic, often deceitful narratives. The common perception thus frames propaganda as a tool of specific historical moments—wars or dictatorships—rather than an ongoing, everyday phenomenon.
Modern Propaganda: A Carefully Curated Truth
In contrast, modern propaganda operates with far greater subtlety, blending truth and deception in ways that obscure its manipulative intent. Rather than relying on obvious lies, today’s propaganda is a “carefully curated truth” that passes without immediate recognition of the propagandist’s agenda. Jacques Ellul emphasizes that effective propaganda must resonate with reality, using facts as its foundation while shaping them to serve a specific purpose. Here’s how it works:
- Marrying Truth to a Lie: Facts are paired with distortions to create a compelling, yet misleading, narrative. For example, a political ad might highlight a candidate’s charitable donations (truth) while implying they single-handedly solved a social issue (lie), glossing over broader context.
- Truth Out of Context: Information is presented accurately but stripped of critical details. A news report might cover a protest by focusing solely on isolated acts of violence, ignoring the peaceful majority or underlying grievances, thus skewing public perception.
- Strategic Framing: Emotional appeals and selective emphasis guide interpretation. An advertisement might use scientific data—like “9 out of 10 dentists recommend”—without clarifying the sample size or methodology, nudging consumers toward a biased conclusion.
Unlike old-style propaganda, modern forms avoid outright falsehoods because they risk exposure in an information-rich world. Instead, they exploit trust in factual reporting, slipping past scrutiny by appearing credible. As Ellul notes, “Propaganda must be based on facts… but facts are not enough; they must be interpreted” (1962, p. 52). This curation ensures propaganda aligns with pre-existing beliefs, making it harder to challenge.
Examples of Modern Propaganda
- Media: A news outlet reports a politician’s speech verbatim but highlights only inflammatory snippets, shaping audience outrage while claiming objectivity.
- Advertising: A skincare brand touts a product’s “clinically proven” benefits, omitting that the study was small, biased, or inconclusive.
- Social Media: Viral posts share real statistics—like crime rates—but frame them to stoke fear or division, leaving out mitigating factors.
These tactics illustrate how modern propaganda thrives on partial truths, emotional resonance, and strategic omissions, distinguishing it from the blunt lies of wartime posters.
Propaganda’s Inseparability from Modern Society
Ellul argues that propaganda is not just a tool of specific actors but a sociological phenomenon inherent to literate, industrial societies. Several factors make it pervasive today:
- Information Overload: With mass media and digital platforms, people face too much data to process critically, relying on simplified narratives that propaganda provides.
- Literacy and Technology: Educated populations trust written or broadcast information, while advanced tools—like targeted ads or algorithms—amplify propaganda’s reach.
- Complexity of Life: Industrial societies create uncertainty, driving individuals to accept curated truths that offer clarity, even if manipulated.
Unlike the common view, which ties propaganda to deliberate campaigns, Ellul sees it as a structural feature of modernity, thriving in democracies as much as authoritarian states. “Propaganda is a necessity for the functioning of a technological society,” he writes (1962, p. 87), highlighting its role in managing mass attitudes.
Conclusion
The popular image of propaganda as obvious, old-style war messaging—think posters and wartime broadcasts—captures only a fraction of its reality. Jacques Ellul’s broader definition reveals propaganda as a subtle, pervasive force in modern society, where truth is curated, contextualized, or paired with deception to serve hidden agendas. By contrasting the overt manipulations of the past with today’s sophisticated blending of fact and misdirection, we see that propaganda’s power lies in its disguise: a “carefully curated truth” that slips past without examination. Understanding this shift invites us to question not just blatant lies, but the subtler influences shaping our world daily.
Works Cited: Ellul, Jacques. Propaganda: The Formation of Men’s Attitudes. Translated by Konrad Kellen and Jean Lerner, Vintage Books, 1973.
Harvard University released a comprehensive 300+ page report on April 29, 2025, titled the “Final Report of the Presidential Task Force on Combating Antisemitism and Anti-Israel Bias,” shedding light on systemic antisemitism and anti-Israel bias on campus. The investigation, initiated by President Alan Garber in January 2024, was spurred by a surge in bias incidents following the October 7, 2023, attack by Hamas on Israel and the subsequent war in Gaza. According to a Reuters article, the task force conducted around 50 listening sessions with approximately 500 students and employees, revealing “searing personal accounts” of discrimination . The report underscores a deeply rooted issue at one of America’s most prestigious institutions, prompting both internal reflection and external scrutiny.
The findings paint a troubling picture of campus life for Jewish and Israeli students, who faced hostility from peers, faculty, and administrators. The report details instances where Jewish students were asked to denounce Israel to be considered “one of the good ones,” while others were told their very presence was offensive. In academic settings, some were discouraged from sharing family stories involving Holocaust survivors if those stories mentioned Israel, with organizers deeming such narratives “not tasteful” and “inherently one-sided.” An NPR article notes that Harvard plans to address these issues by reviewing its academic offerings to ensure faculty promote intellectual openness and refrain from endorsing political positions that pressure students. These revelations highlight a culture of exclusion that has left many Jewish and Israeli students feeling ostracized and unsafe.
Harvard’s history provides critical context for understanding these modern challenges. In the 1920s, under President Abbott Lawrence Lowell, the university implemented admissions policies, including legacy preferences, explicitly designed to limit Jewish enrollment and preserve its white, Protestant demographic. A 2023 article from The Harvard Crimson explains that while legacy admissions were not officially codified, they were part of a broader effort to exclude Jewish students, with similar practices documented at peer institutions like Dartmouth and Yale during the same period. These historical policies, which persisted in various forms into the 1950s, reflect a legacy of discrimination that continues to cast a shadow over Harvard’s efforts to address contemporary antisemitism.
In response to the report, Harvard has committed to several reforms, though some argue they fall short of expectations. The university plans to review its admissions processes to evaluate applicants based on their ability to engage constructively with diverse perspectives, introducing a new application question about handling disagreements. Additionally, Harvard will implement mandatory antisemitism training for students and staff and expand academic offerings in Hebrew, Judaic, Arab, and Islamic studies. However, an NPR article notes that these measures do not fully align with the Trump administration’s demands, which include ending all admissions preferences based on race or national origin and adopting strict merit-based policies by August 2025 . President Garber has also promised to accelerate efforts to promote viewpoint diversity, though specifics remain unclear.
The report’s release coincides with broader challenges for Harvard, including a legal battle with the Trump administration over federal funding and allegations of international misconduct. The administration has frozen $2.2 billion in grants, citing Harvard’s alleged failure to address antisemitism, prompting the university to sue in response. Concurrently, a separate controversy has emerged: Harvard has been accused of violating U.S. sanctions by training officials from the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps (XPCC), a Chinese paramilitary group implicated in the oppression of Uyghurs, as late as October 2023. An NPR article highlights that these issues have intensified scrutiny on Harvard, positioning it as a focal point in the national debate over campus culture and academic integrity. Together, these developments underscore the complex and multifaceted challenges Harvard faces in addressing its past and present shortcomings.
My prompt: “Explain this meme in terms of individuals who were once told that Canada is a genocidal post national state versus now which we come together as proud patriots fighting the bad orange man down south.”
(From Grok AI):This meme uses a three-panel comic to satirize a shift in perception about Canada, particularly in the context of political and cultural narratives.
First Panel: A gray, angry-looking character (often representing a stereotypical “NPC” or someone who follows narratives without questioning) is being approached by a red hand, which typically symbolizes an external force or influence (like media, propaganda, or societal pressure).
Second Panel: The red hand holds a microchip with a Canadian maple leaf crossed out, labeled “NO CANADA,” and inserts it into a slot on the character’s head (implying brainwashing or reprogramming). The background shows a circuit board, reinforcing the idea of manipulation or control. The sound effect “click” indicates the chip being installed, symbolizing the character being fed a narrative. This reflects the idea of individuals being told that Canada is a “genocidal post-national state”—a critical perspective often rooted in discussions about historical issues like the treatment of Indigenous peoples or debates about Canada’s identity under leaders like Justin Trudeau, who once described Canada as a “post-national” state.
Third Panel: The character reappears with the same angry expression, now presumably “reprogrammed.” This suggests that the narrative has taken hold, but the meme doesn’t explicitly show the shift to “proud patriots.” However, based on your description, the implication is that the character (representing Canadians) has now been reprogrammed again to reject the earlier critical view of Canada. Instead, they unite as “proud patriots” to oppose the “bad orange man down south”—a clear reference to Donald Trump, often associated with the color orange due to his complexion and polarizing political presence in the U.S.
Explanation in Context: The meme mocks the idea of Canadians being easily swayed by competing narratives. First, they’re told Canada is a “genocidal post-national state” (a critique possibly tied to progressive or anti-establishment views). Later, they’re reprogrammed to become “proud patriots” who rally against a common enemy—Trump—reflecting a nationalist resurgence, possibly in response to external threats or cultural shifts. It highlights the perceived hypocrisy or flip-flopping of public sentiment, driven by external influences rather than genuine belief.
Fascism is a tough term to pin down, but history gives us a clear picture. It’s a far-right ideology that took root in the early 20th century, most famously in Mussolini’s Italy and Hitler’s Germany. At its core, fascism is about extreme control: one leader or party calls the shots, the state trumps individual rights, and nationalism gets dialed up to eleven. Think Mussolini strutting as “Il Duce” or the Nazis’ obsession with racial purity. It’s anti-democratic, often crushing free elections, free press, and anyone who dares disagree. Look at Italy’s march into Ethiopia in 1935 or Germany’s defiance of the Treaty of Versailles with its military buildup—fascism loves a crisis to justify power grabs and feeds on myths of national glory.
Spotting fascism today isn’t about slapping the label on every tough government. It’s about looking for specific signs. First, does a regime gut checks and balances, like attacking courts or silencing journalists? Hungary’s media crackdowns under Orbán raise eyebrows here. Second, is there a toxic “us vs. them” vibe, like far-right parties in Europe demonizing immigrants? Third, are critics jailed or worse, as in Putin’s Russia with its vanishing opposition? Fourth, does a leader act like a king, demanding loyalty above all, like Kim Jong-un in North Korea? Fifth, is the military or police state overblown, like China’s surveillance net? These aren’t just “bad government” traits—they’re a pattern of ideological control that echoes history’s darkest regimes.
Calling everything “fascist” is a trap too many progressives fall into, and it’s a disservice to everyone. Disagree with a tax cut or a border policy? Fine, but throwing around “fascism” like it’s a catch-all insult cheapens the word. It’s not just sloppy thinking—it muddies the water, making it harder to call out real threats. The term should evoke the Gestapo, the Blackshirts, or the death camps, not a policy you’d vote against. This habit shuts down debate, alienates people who might actually listen, and disrespects the millions who suffered under true fascist boots. We need to argue with facts and clarity, not fling around history’s heaviest labels like they’re confetti.
The DEI (Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion) requirements for the Library Technician position at BC Cancer in Vancouver appear to be more of a political purity test than a set of skills directly relevant to the job. The qualifications demand a deep understanding of systemic racism, Indigenous Peoples’ health contexts, and familiarity with specific legislative documents like the Truth & Reconciliation Commission’s Calls to Action and the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act. While these are important societal issues, they are not inherently tied to the core duties of a library technician, such as organizing materials, assisting patrons, or managing databases. This focus on ideological alignment risks prioritizing political correctness over practical expertise, potentially alienating candidates who excel in the technical and operational aspects of the role but may not meet these specific ideological benchmarks.
Moreover, these requirements could deter highly qualified candidates who lack the specified DEI knowledge but possess exceptional skills in library management, customer service, or technical proficiency. For instance, a candidate with years of experience in library systems, a knack for efficient cataloging, and strong interpersonal skills might be overlooked if they haven’t engaged deeply with Indigenous-specific anti-racism education or settler-colonial history. By emphasizing these DEI criteria, the hiring process may inadvertently filter out individuals who could otherwise excel in the role, replacing merit-based selection with a test of ideological conformity. This approach undermines the goal of hiring the best candidate for the job, as it prioritizes social justice credentials over the practical abilities needed to perform the role effectively.
Ultimately, while fostering diversity and inclusion is a noble goal, the DEI requirements for this position create an unnecessary barrier to entry that may compromise the quality of the hire. The library technician role demands skills like alphanumeric filing, communication, and equipment operation, as outlined in the job description, yet the DEI expectations overshadow these core competencies. By focusing on political and cultural knowledge that is tangential to the job’s day-to-day responsibilities, BC Cancer risks missing out on candidates who could bring efficiency, innovation, and excellence to the role, thus hindering the organization’s ability to serve its patrons effectively.
https://jobs.phsa.ca/job/vancouver/library-technician-bc-cancer-vancouver/909/79784591232
Social constructivism, a theory positing that reality is constructed through social processes and interactions rather than being an objective truth, lies at the core of what is commonly referred to as “woke” ideology. This perspective asserts that knowledge, identity, and societal norms—such as gender, race, and morality—are not rooted in any inherent or natural order but are instead products of human agreement and power dynamics. In the woke framework, this translates into a belief that all structures and hierarchies are arbitrary and must be relentlessly questioned or dismantled, particularly those perceived as oppressive. The emphasis on subjective experience and collective narrative over empirical evidence or universal principles defines woke ideology as a direct descendant of social constructivism, where truth becomes malleable and contingent upon the dominant social discourse.
This worldview inherently encourages coercive attitudes because it rejects the possibility of a shared, objective reality that can be appealed to in resolving disputes. If reality is socially constructed, then those who control the narrative wield ultimate power, and dissent becomes not just a disagreement but a threat to the constructed order. Woke adherents often demand conformity to their reimagined norms—such as language policing, mandatory ideological training, or the silencing of opposing views—under the guise of protecting marginalized groups or advancing justice. This coercion stems from the belief that alternative perspectives perpetuate harmful constructs, leaving no room for dialogue or compromise. The result is a moral absolutism that justifies silencing or punishing those who deviate from the prescribed narrative, as their very existence challenges the fragile consensus of the constructed reality.
The totalitarian tendencies of this approach emerge from its insistence on universal adherence to a singular interpretive framework. Social constructivism, as embraced by woke ideology, does not tolerate competing claims to truth; it seeks to monopolize the social construction process itself. Institutions—be they educational, corporate, or governmental—are repurposed as tools to enforce this orthodoxy, often through mechanisms like cancel culture, deplatforming, or the rewriting of history to align with the approved narrative. Dissenters are not merely wrong but dangerous, necessitating their exclusion or reeducation. This mirrors historical totalitarian regimes, where control over perception and belief was paramount, except here it is cloaked in the language of progress and equity rather than overt authoritarianism.
Fundamentally, social constructivism within woke ideology constitutes an anti-real ontology—an explicit rejection of an independent, knowable reality. By denying that there are facts or truths outside human interpretation, it undermines the foundations of science, reason, and even basic human experience. For instance, biological realities like sex differences are reframed as oppressive constructs to be transcended, while historical events are judged not by evidence but by their alignment with contemporary moral sensibilities. This anti-real stance dismisses the possibility of a world that exists beyond our perceptions, reducing everything to a power struggle over who gets to define the “truth.” In doing so, it sacrifices the pursuit of understanding for the imposition of ideology, leaving no anchor for objective inquiry or mutual coexistence.
In conclusion, social constructivism serves as the intellectual bedrock of woke ideology, driving its coercive and totalitarian impulses while cementing its status as an anti-real ontology. It transforms society into a battleground of competing narratives where power, not truth, determines legitimacy. The resulting culture of enforced conformity stifles dissent and erodes the possibility of a shared reality, replacing it with a fragmented, subjective landscape that demands constant vigilance and control. Far from liberating, this framework traps individuals in a cycle of perpetual reconstruction, where no truth is final and no freedom is secure. Ultimately, it reveals a paradox: a philosophy claiming to deconstruct oppression constructs its own rigid, unyielding system in its place.
Critical Social Constructivism (CSC) emerged from the broader tradition of social constructivism, which posits that knowledge and reality are products of social processes and interactions. Social constructivism has its roots in the works of sociologists like Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann, who, in their seminal book The Social Construction of Reality (1966), argued that reality is socially constructed through shared meanings and practices. This perspective was further developed by the strong programme in the sociology of scientific knowledge, with scholars such as David Bloor (1976) asserting that even scientific facts are socially constructed and inseparable from the social contexts in which they are produced. Critical Social Constructivism builds on these foundations by incorporating elements of critical theory, particularly the emphasis on power dynamics and ideologies. Influenced by the Frankfurt School’s critique of society, CSC highlights how dominant social and political forces shape what is accepted as knowledge or reality, thereby questioning the objectivity of knowledge claims.
As an anti-realist philosophy, Critical Social Constructivism rejects the notion of an objective reality that exists independently of human perception and social agreement. By claiming that all aspects of reality—including scientific facts, moral values, and social norms—are constructed through social processes, CSC challenges the realist position that there is a mind-independent world. However, CSC is more than just an ontological stance; it offers a comprehensive worldview that encompasses epistemology, ethics, and politics. Since knowledge is viewed as a social construct, the process of knowing is inherently embedded within social contexts, power relations, and cultural frameworks. This means that truth is not discovered but negotiated, and what is accepted as knowledge reflects the prevailing social and political dynamics rather than any objective standard. Thus, CSC provides a lens through which all human understanding and interaction can be analyzed.
Given that Critical Social Constructivism denies the existence of an objective reality, there is no external arbiter to settle disputes about what is true or real. Consequently, the acceptance of particular knowledge claims becomes a matter of social negotiation and consensus-building. In this context, adherents of CSC recognize that establishing a shared understanding of reality often involves the use of political and social mechanisms to persuade or coerce individuals and groups into adopting specific constructions of knowledge. This can range from rhetorical strategies and institutional support to more overt forms of social or political force, as dominant groups seek to impose their versions of reality onto others. Because there is no reality without human perception and social agreement, the validation of knowledge claims ultimately relies on the ability to garner social acceptance, which can be influenced by power structures and cultural hegemony.
References
- Berger, P. L., & Luckmann, T. (1966). The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge. Anchor Books.
- Bloor, D. (1976). Knowledge and Social Imagery. Routledge & Kegan Paul.
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