I’m not a religious individual. This series has made that clear enough over time, and I’m not about to reverse course now. But looking out at the current cultural moment, something else is becoming difficult to ignore: within many of our influential cultural and institutional spaces, people are not stepping away from religion into something stronger or more coherent; they are drifting into something thinner, more unstable, and ultimately more corrosive.
Call it cultural relativism, call it critical theory, call it the downstream effects of postmodern deconstruction—it doesn’t much matter which label you prefer. What matters is the shared move underneath it. The older structures that once oriented people toward truth, obligation, and restraint are no longer treated as imperfect guides to be improved upon; they are treated primarily as systems of power to be exposed, delegitimized, and, where possible, dismantled.
That shift does not leave a neutral vacuum.
A society cannot sustain itself on permanent critique, because critique alone does not tell you what to build in its place, nor does it supply the habits of restraint needed to keep that construction from collapsing.”
On a more personal level, it is increasingly common to encounter people who describe their lives almost entirely through the lens of structural disadvantage, even when their circumstances are relatively stable. The framework offers an explanation for frustration, but it also narrows the space for agency, because improvement begins to look less like progress and more like complicity in the very systems being critiqued.
People require some kind of orienting framework, not necessarily a perfect one, but one stable enough to tell them what is worth building, what must be limited, and what ought to endure beyond their immediate preferences. When every structure is interpreted first as an instrument of domination, that framework does not evolve into something better calibrated—it fragments. What follows is not so much liberation as drift, where moral language remains in use but loses its anchor, and where personal identity begins to carry more explanatory weight than shared standards ever could.
Some of this thinking has value in narrow contexts. As a tool for examining institutions, it can reveal blind spots, excesses, and genuine injustices that deserve correction. But once it escapes those boundaries and becomes a general worldview, it scales badly. A society cannot sustain itself on permanent critique, because critique alone does not tell you what to build in its place, nor does it supply the habits of restraint necessary to keep that construction from collapsing under pressure.
The psychological effects are not incidental here. If a person is taught, explicitly or implicitly, that every system they inhabit is stacked against them, and that their standing within that system is best understood through grievance rather than agency, the result is not empowerment in any meaningful sense. It is demoralization dressed up as insight. Over time, that posture makes collective life harder to maintain, not easier, because it erodes the basic trust required for cooperation.
This is where the comparison with religion, uncomfortable as it may be, begins to sharpen.
Religious frameworks, even when metaphysically suspect or internally inconsistent, tend to provide a coherent structure of meaning, obligation, and limitation. They impose costs. They constrain behaviour. They bind individuals into something that extends beyond the self, whether that is a community, a tradition, or a conception of the good that cannot be endlessly revised to suit immediate preference. Those features can be abused, and often have been, but they are not accidental—they are part of what makes such systems socially durable.
It is worth noting that some of the most stable and prosperous societies today are also among the least religious. That observation deserves to be taken seriously. But those societies are not culturally unmoored; they are, in many cases, the beneficiaries of long-standing moral traditions that continue to shape behaviour even as explicit belief declines. The question is not whether a society can function after religion recedes, but how long it can continue to draw on inherited norms once the structures that sustained them are no longer reinforced.
If the practical choice is between a society that retains some shared, if imperfect, moral architecture and one that dissolves that architecture in favour of perpetual deconstruction, I am no longer convinced that the latter is the safer or more enlightened path. That is not because religion is true in any ultimate sense, but because it appears to do something that our current alternatives struggle to replicate at scale. Secular frameworks capable of supplying meaning and restraint do exist. What remains unclear is whether they can achieve the same level of cultural penetration and durability without borrowing from the traditions they seek to replace.
This is not an argument for theocracy. A classically liberal state remains the best framework we have for preserving freedom, dissent, and pluralism across deep differences. But liberalism has never been self-sustaining in the way its defenders sometimes imagine. It has historically relied on inherited norms—habits of restraint, notions of duty, a willingness to subordinate impulse to something more enduring—that it did not generate on its own.
When those supporting structures are steadily stripped away, the system does not immediately collapse, but it does begin to thin out. The language of rights remains, but the culture that made those rights workable starts to erode. At that point, something else will fill the gap, and it is not guaranteed to be gentler, freer, or more rational than what came before.
None of this erases the historical abuses tied to religion. It simply raises the possibility that removing it creates vulnerabilities we have not yet learned to manage.
Religion, for all its flaws, once carried a significant portion of that load.
Remove it, or hollow it out beyond recognition, and the question is no longer whether people will believe in something. It is what they will reach for instead—and whether that replacement will prove more stable than the thing it displaced.



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April 26, 2026 at 7:18 am
tildeb
Institutionalized ‘oikophobia’ (Scranton) cannot be corrected by religion or religious belief. Such a measure is at best a temporary Band-Aid to a much deeper and fatal anti-patriotic illiberal wound. (Besides, none can compete with totalitarian Islam, which will reach majority status in a single lifetime. When asked, over 80% of Muslims identify Islam – incompatible with all liberal values – as far more a patriotic identifier than any other. In other words, this is not going change over time but deepen.)
In Canada, we have lost our home. It’s gone. More than half the population of Toronto, for example, were not born here. Home is somewhere else. Not Canada. This is why so many Canadian born people are now either leaving or establishing a Plan B outside of Canada. To put this another way, two dollars are leaving then country for every dollar entering. Military recruitment by Canadian born people is declining in spite of significant pay increases while foreign nationals are now allowed to join so desperate is the need to increase the ranks. In a socialist country like Canada, these simple signs demonstrate the national death tolling. By every social stability metric, Canada is in an algorithmic decline. Religion isn’t going to reverse any these trends, although at best it may slow them.
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April 26, 2026 at 8:22 am
The Arbourist
@tildeb
In the struggle to save Canada, every avenue must be explored, every option exhausted. Our country is worth fighting for, even if it is too late.
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April 26, 2026 at 9:15 am
tildeb
Save Canada from what exactly?
I don’t think most people have paid this question much if any mind at all. So the ‘answer’ to it I see all around me I think is simply filled with bullshit. Lots of plans and communications and chest thumping and fiddling, of course, while Canada’s Rome burns to the ground. Pointing out the raging fire only earns more of the same, that perhaps I was unaware Canada really, really, really, has the very best firefighting in the world and the percentages of such fires are very low and sunny days are just down the road. So it’s very patriotic, feel-good bullshit, sure. But bullshit all the same. Every social metric is in algorithmic decline. The fire is real and growing.
From where I sit, saving Canada in my mind means saving liberal democracy (what a sovereign Canada used to be but is no longer). And the only way I can see that ‘return’ is going to happen is if we have a replacement system (because the system itself is irrevocably broken from this goal. Reality demonstrates it. So I think this based on many, many reasons from a preponderance of compelling evidence from reality.). Canada is burning. We have given away sovereignty. This replacement, therefore, is not simply a change of a government party that keeps the system intact, or inviting greater trade and dependence on the worst nation in the world like totalitarian China, but a necessary rebuild to reinstitute liberal values (meaning institutionally… hence the ‘system’ rebuild).
I cannot see Canada as it is ever being able to reinstitute liberal values that have already been institutionally replaced. So ‘saving’ Canada I think either means political disintegration into something entirely new (political separation with a liberal rebirth from the same population only too willing to give it away) or integration with the US that institutes these values in its very legitimacy (the Constitution). I see integration with the US as the preferable real world choice that would ‘save’ most of Canada from further economic decay (already below Alabama) and political disintegration. Perhaps I’m being too optimistic.
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April 27, 2026 at 10:22 am
The Arbourist
@tildeb
You’re asking the right question, and I don’t think it has a trivial answer.
When I say “save Canada,” I don’t mean preserving everything as it currently exists. I mean preserving the conditions that made the country worth inheriting in the first place—functional liberal institutions, a shared civic identity, and enough social trust to make disagreement survivable rather than existential.
Where I think you’re right is that many of the signals you’re pointing to—declining institutional trust, demographic fragmentation without assimilation, economic strain, and a kind of reflexive self-negation in parts of the culture—are real pressures. Hand-waving them away with slogans doesn’t solve anything. If anything, it accelerates the disconnect between official narratives and lived reality.
But I part ways with you at the point of ineviitability.
Decline can be real without being terminal. Institutions can drift without being beyond recovery. And populations—especially ones that haven’t fully reckoned with the problem yet—can change course, sometimes faster than expected, once the costs become undeniable.
The reason I don’t write Canada off is simple: the underlying population hasn’t been replaced, and the core values you’re concerned about aren’t extinct—they’re diffuse, under-articulated, and often crowded out, but not gone.
I don’t think religion is a “fix” in the sense of a policy lever. But it can function as a stabilizing force—one of several—that reintroduces limits, meaning, and a framework that pushes back against pure institutional drift. Not sufficient, but not irrelevant either.
So for me, “saving Canada” isn’t about pretending the fire isn’t there.
It’s about refusing to concede that the fire is uncontainable before the country has even decided to fight it.
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April 27, 2026 at 10:42 am
tildeb
Fill in the word ‘religion’ with ‘Islam’ and see how well your line of reasoning works towards the ends you desire.
Where your optimism and my pessimism rests I think is where we assign the tipping point between recovery and terminal. Considering where the next ‘educated’ class of people are in terms of belief about the fundamental values of liberalism (and who understand its restorative powers away from authoritarianism and social severance to actually support them) I have no reason to shift that tipping point from the recent past somewhere into the future. In other words, I’m just not seeing or hearing of these corrections. Quite the opposite, in fact; they seem to be accelerating firmly and irrevocably towards the spread of illiberalism. And with growing public support.
And so the main canary in this coal mine – as is its usual historical place – is the rise of and lack of response to anti-Semitism. The polling data from the young is now past the half way point (greater than 50%). No one in any institutional – and certainly not educational – authority is paying this rise much if any mind. Again, quite the contrary. Institutional support for illiberalism is growing in Canada. And strong corrections are simply AWOL.
So I see no good reason, no accumulating evidence from reality, to indicate feel good narratives about refloating the sinking ship of state (that’s why I say this notion of ‘home’ for Canadians is receding because the notion of living in a foreign state continues to rise) have any reality-based merit. I wish I were wrong.
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April 27, 2026 at 10:58 am
The Arbourist
I think this is where the disagreement could sharpens into something useful.
When you substitute “Islam” for “religion,” you’re no longer testing my claim—you’re narrowing it to a specific tradition with its own internal tensions, interpretations, and political expressions. That matters, because the question isn’t whether some forms of belief can be illiberal. Clearly they can. The question is whether a liberal society retains the capacity to set boundaries, enforce norms, and integrate differences without dissolving itself. Islam isn’t set up to do any of those things in the decidedly Western way that we both value.
That’s the hinge.
On your broader point, I don’t think you’re wrong about the signals. Rising anti-Semitism, especially among the young, is a serious warning sign, and historically it has been a reliable indicator of deeper cultural and institutional failure. The lack of clear, confident response from institutions is also real—and troubling. I see it at my alma mater the UofA where it was so bad at one point they had to dismiss the head of sexual assault centre because she stated publicly that October 7th was rife with Jewish disinformation. The institutional malaise is ever so real.
Where I part ways is in how much weight you assign to the current trajectory as a predictor of the end state.
You’re reading the absence of correction as evidence that correction won’t come, if I’m reading your argument correctly. I read it as evidence that the system hasn’t yet been forced to confront the cost of its drift. Those are not the same thing.
Liberal democracies have a pattern not a guarantee, but a pattern of tolerating dysfunction longer than they should, and then correcting more abruptly than expected once the pressure becomes unavoidable. That correction is messy, often delayed, and never completely 100% effective.
So for me, the tipping point isn’t something we can cleanly locate in the past or project with confidence into the future. It’s contengent on whether enough people—especially within institutions—decide that the current tradeoffs are no longer acceptable.
That’s why I resist the “terminal” framing. Not because the risks aren’t real, but because declaring them irreversible has its own consequence: it removes the incentive to act while action is still possible.
I don’t think Canada is immune to the failure modes you’re describing we’ve been rearranging deck chairs on the Titanic for quite some time – I was really hoping for a different federal election result – we desperately needed a new angle of corruption and grift.
I do think it still retains the capacity—politically, culturally, and demographically—to push back against them.
Whether it does is an open question.
But it’s still an open question.
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April 27, 2026 at 12:19 pm
tildeb
Your conclusion may be true. I hope it turns out this way. In the meantime, there is an uncaptured (statistically speaking) outflow of Canadians who have reached the same conclusion I have and are actively pursuing a Plan B outside of Canada. I suspect (anecdotally) this amounts to a majority of those with wealth who hold the highest 20% of income and who pay well over 80% of all income tax revenue (the bottom 50% pays about 3%). These folk, although not a massive number of people, are the ones the country can least afford to lose when running massive budget deficits into the foreseeable future… in the hope that we can account and recoup for it later.
At the other end of this social investment component necessary to rectify the illiberal decline are the young with talent. Anecdotally, the numbers seem equivalent in that a majority of the best and brightest are leaving versus the minority staying. IN know this is the case with most of STEM and medical graduates. Business start ups, for example, by Canadians have achieved a milestone: for the first time ever, less than half are in Canada (about 40% in the US, and the rest spread around the world). Again, not a pressing issue today but a very strong signal that the country is in a decline a generation into the future, one that perhaps with Herculean effort might even be stabilized. Perhaps. But rectified and reversed?
I think that kind of optimism is not based on strong indications from reality but from a place of hope – similar to the hope from believing religious precepts that have little if any connection to the preponderance of evidence against it.
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April 27, 2026 at 2:15 pm
The Arbourist
I don’t think what you’re pointing to is insignificant. If the outflow of capital and talent keeps going at scale, it becomes self-reinforcing. At some point that does turn into real structural decline.
Where I hesitate is treating those signals as conclusive rather than directional.
Anecdotes can point to something real without telling you how fixed it is. People leave, yes—but they also respond to conditions. That part is harder to see in the moment.
And I don’t think I’m arguing from “hope,” at least not in the sense you mean. I’m making a narrower claim: systems under pressure don’t always move in straight lines. Sometimes they entrench. Sometimes they correct—usually later than anyone is comfortable with.
That doesn’t make reversal likely. It just means it’s not off the table.
You might be right that we’re past that point. I’m just not convinced we can call it yet.
Thanks for the convo, I think we’ve drilled down a bit to a greater level of clarity, and that is appreciated.
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