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  In British Columbia, a dangerous woke ideology masquerading as “reconciliation” is being weaponized by Premier David Eby and his inner circle to dismantle the foundations of Canadian society. As Caroline Elliott reveals in her piercing National Post opinion piece, Eby’s advisors—figures like Doug White and Dr. Roshan Danesh—promote a worldview that treats Canada’s formation as an “original sin” demanding atonement through “turbulent transition,” “rupture,” “sacrifice,” and the “utter transformation of human affairs.” This is not benign progressivism; it is extremist zealotry that views Western civilization as inherently oppressive, requiring painful societal upheaval to achieve absolution.
By framing non-Indigenous Canadians as “settlers,” “colonizers,” or “uninvited guests,” these ideologues sow division and guilt, paving the way for the erosion of property rights, economic stability, and democratic norms.
  At the heart of this agenda lies the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act (DRIPA), which mandates aligning B.C. laws with the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), including taking “all measures necessary” to enforce it. Elliott highlights how this has led to precedents like the Haida agreement, which recognizes Aboriginal title over private property for the first time, and the B.C. Supreme Court’s Cowichan decision, creating profound uncertainty for landowners. Advisors like Danesh explicitly link this to colonialism’s “domino effect,” where ignoring Indigenous title “knocks down much of the foundation for certainty of fee simple property title.” What woke zealots celebrate as justice is, in reality, a calculated assault on private ownership—the bedrock of a free society—turning secure homes and businesses into contested territories subject to Indigenous jurisdiction.
  This radical push extends to land-use and resource development, where officials demand Indigenous consent as the “rightful owners,” effectively halting projects and ceding control over vast public lands. NDP figures like Spencer Chandra Herbert and Christine Boyle openly advocate for the “LandBack” movement, criticizing government ownership and calling for jurisdiction to be handed over to Indigenous groups. Elliott quotes the advisors’ chilling vision of reconciliation as a “coming of age” process that renders “widely accepted practices and conventions, cherished attitudes and habits… one by one being rendered obsolete.” Such language betrays the true intent: not coexistence, but the deliberate obsolescence of Canadian traditions, values, and economic prosperity in favor of a reorganized society built on perpetual atonement.
  The consequences of this woke extremism are already manifesting in an “ungovernable province,” where economic devastation looms from blocked development, property values plummet amid title uncertainty, and social cohesion fractures under the weight of imposed guilt. By prioritizing ideological purity over the public interest, Eby’s government treats disagreement as complicity in oppression, dismissing concerns as veiled racism. This is the hallmark of authoritarian zealotry: silencing opposition while pursuing a transformative agenda that benefits a narrow elite of activists and bureaucrats at the expense of ordinary citizens.
  Ultimately, British Columbia’s radical reconciliation agenda exemplifies how woke ideology seeks the destruction of society as we know it—replacing merit, individuality, and rule of law with collective guilt, tribalism, and state-enforced rupture. If unchecked, this precedent will spread, undermining Canada’s sovereignty and prosperity nationwide. True reconciliation requires mutual respect and practical solutions, not the painful demolition demanded by these extremists. Citizens must resist this zealotry before the foundations of our civilized order are irrevocably shattered.
  Bill C-9, officially titled the Combatting Hate Act and introduced in September 2025, amends the Criminal Code to address rising hate crimes by creating new offences, codifying a definition of “hatred,” and streamlining prosecutions. Key provisions include a new hate-motivated crime offence applicable to any Criminal Code violation (potentially carrying enhanced penalties, including life imprisonment in severe cases), criminalizing the willful promotion of hatred through public display of certain hate or terrorism symbols, and removing the requirement for Attorney General consent in hate propaganda cases. The bill also introduces offences for intimidating or obstructing access to places of worship, schools, or community centres used by identifiable groups. While presented as a response to increased antisemitism, Islamophobia, and other hatreds, critics argue it expands state power over expression in ways that threaten fundamental freedoms.
A particularly alarming development is the proposed amendment—supported by the Liberals in a deal with the Bloc Québécois—to repeal section 319(3)(b) of the Criminal Code. This longstanding defence protects individuals from conviction for wilfully promoting hatred if, in good faith, they express an opinion on a religious subject or based on a religious text. Removing it would expose pastors, priests, imams, and everyday believers to prosecution for faithfully teaching or quoting sacred scriptures on contentious issues like marriage, sexuality, or morality. The Canadian Conference of Catholic Bishops has warned that this risks criminalizing core religious doctrine, disproportionately targeting Christianity’s traditional teachings while undermining freedom of religion under the Charter.
Beyond religious discrimination, Bill C-9 erodes cognitive liberty—the right to hold and express unpopular thoughts without fear of state punishment—and free speech more broadly. By codifying a definition of “hatred” as detestation or vilification (explicitly stating it does not include mere dislike, disdain, or offence), the bill arguably lowers the high bar set by Supreme Court precedents like R. v. Keegstra and Whatcott, potentially chilling debate on public issues. Removing Attorney General oversight for prosecutions invites politically motivated charges, while broad new offences around symbols and obstruction could capture peaceful protest or artistic expression, despite carve-outs for legitimate purposes like education or journalism.
This bill exemplifies a broader authoritarian drift in Canada, where the state increasingly polices thought and belief under the guise of combating hate. Existing laws already prohibit incitement to violence and genuine hate propaganda; expanding them risks turning disagreement into crime and faith into liability. Cognitive liberty demands that Canadians can think, speak, and worship freely, even when offensive to others—yet Bill C-9 subordinates these rights to subjective interpretations of “hatred.”
As Parliament debates this legislation amid reports of a Liberal-Bloc agreement to strip religious protections, citizens must demand its rejection or substantial amendment. True tolerance protects unpopular speech, including religious conviction; suppressing it paves the way for tyranny. Canada’s Charter promises freedom of conscience, religion, thought, and expression—Bill C-9 puts them all at grave risk.
References
  1. Official text of Bill C-9: https://www.parl.ca/DocumentViewer/en/45-1/bill/C-9/first-reading
  2. Department of Justice summary: https://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/csj-sjc/pl/c9/index.html
  3. Charter Statement on Bill C-9: https://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/csj-sjc/pl/charter-charte/c9_2.html
  4. Canadian Conference of Catholic Bishops on religious exemption removal (December 2025): https://www.cccb.ca/media-release/proposed-restrictions-on-religious-freedom-bill-c-9/
  5. CBC News on Bloc-Liberal deal to remove religious defence (December 2025): https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/c9-hate-speech-religion-9.7001891
  6. National Post on implications for faith (December 2025): https://nationalpost.com/opinion/changes-to-bill-c-9-arent-combating-hate-theyre-criminalizing-faith
  7. LEGISinfo page for Bill C-9: https://www.parl.ca/legisinfo/en/bill/45-1/c-9
  8. Canadian Civil Liberties Association concerns: https://ccla.org/press-release/ccla-bill-c-9-risks-criminalizing-peaceful-protest/

Canada finds itself at a crossroads. In recent years, per capita GDP growth has stalled, productivity remains sluggish, and housing, healthcare, and infrastructure face mounting pressure. These trends have prompted urgent debate about the causes of stagnation, ranging from global economic shifts and demographic aging to domestic policy decisions. Among commentators, JD Vance recently sparked attention with pointed critiques of Canada’s immigration policies and multicultural model, framing them as principal contributors to declining living standards. Beyond the immediate provocation, his intervention highlights a deeper question: how should Canadians assess responsibility for the state of their economy?

Immigration, Policy Choices, and Economic Outcomes

Canada’s foreign-born population now stands at approximately 23 percent, the highest in the G7, reflecting a sharp rise over the past decade. This increase was accelerated by post-pandemic labor shortages and policy decisions prioritizing high-volume admissions. While immigration is a crucial driver of population growth and labor supply, recent evidence indicates that integration has lagged, particularly for newcomers with credentials or skills mismatched to domestic demand. Unemployment rates among recent immigrants are approximately twice those of Canadian-born workers, and overall productivity growth has remained below historical trends.

These outcomes underscore a key point: while external factors including global commodity cycles, trade dynamics, and U.S. policy affect Canada’s economy, domestic decisions regarding immigration volume, infrastructure investment, and skills integration exert primary influence over living standards. The choice to expand immigration without simultaneously scaling capacity for integration, housing, and healthcare has consequences that voters ultimately authorize at the ballot box.


Stoic Lessons for Civic Responsibility

Confronted with these structural and policy realities, Canadians might feel tempted to externalize blame to markets, foreign governments, or pundits. Here, the Stoic philosophers offer timeless guidance. Marcus Aurelius wrote in his Meditations: “You have power over your mind—not outside events. Realize this, and you will find strength.” Epictetus similarly asserted: “It’s not what happens to you, but how you react to it that matters.” These principles demand that citizens distinguish between factors within their control and those beyond it, focusing energy on the former.

Stoicism is not a creed of passivity. It insists on rigorous self-examination and deliberate action. In Canada’s context, this means acknowledging the consequences of policy choices and recognizing that solutions—whether adjusting immigration strategy, improving integration programs, or investing in productivity-enhancing infrastructure—lie within domestic capacity.


Pathways to Renewal

Practical measures aligned with these principles include:

  1. Aligning immigration targets with absorptive capacity: Recent adjustments to temporary resident admissions, reducing projected numbers by approximately 43 percent, illustrate the potential for recalibration.
  2. Prioritizing skill-aligned integration: Investing in credential recognition, language training, and targeted labor placement can ensure that new arrivals contribute effectively to productivity.
  3. Strengthening domestic infrastructure and services: Housing, healthcare, and transportation require proportional investment to match demographic growth.
  4. Informed civic engagement: Voting with awareness of policy consequences is fundamental to maintaining democratic accountability and ensuring long-term economic stability.

By taking responsibility, Canadians act in accordance with Stoic precepts: focusing on what they can control rather than scapegoating external forces. The challenge is not merely economic—it is moral and civic. Prosperity depends as much on deliberate collective action as on external circumstance.


Conclusion

Canada’s stagnating living standards are the product of complex factors, yet domestic choices remain decisive. While commentary from external observers like JD Vance may provoke discomfort, the underlying lesson is clear: sovereignty entails responsibility, and agency begins at home. To confront stagnation, Canadians must embrace candid assessment of policy outcomes, deliberate reform, and disciplined civic engagement. In the words of Seneca: “We suffer more often in imagination than in reality.” Facing the realities we have constructed—and acting to improve them—is the first step toward renewal.

 

References


Glossary

  • Per Capita GDP: The average economic output per person, often used as a measure of living standards.
  • Productivity: Output per unit of input; a key driver of sustainable economic growth.
  • Integration Programs: Policies and services designed to help immigrants participate effectively in the labor market and society.
  • Absorptive Capacity: The ability of a system (economy, infrastructure, institutions) to accommodate growth without adverse effects.
  • Stoicism: Philosophical framework emphasizing rational control over one’s mind and actions rather than external circumstances.

 

See Jonathan Kay’s X thread on the queering of outdoor education.  

The British Columbia Teachers’ Federation (BCTF) has introduced a framework termed “Queering Outdoor Education,” which integrates queer theory, drag pedagogy, and decolonial approaches into environmental learning. This curriculum comprises lessons that encourage students to interpret natural phenomena through the lens of fluid identities, anti-normative critique, and social justice. While the framework is promoted as fostering inclusivity and challenging colonial and heteronormative assumptions, it raises substantive concerns regarding developmental appropriateness, educational clarity, and the potential for early ideological enculturation.


Metaphor and Conceptual Instability

The initial lessons employ metaphor as a primary pedagogical tool. Students are encouraged to draw analogies between natural elements—such as clouds, logs, or plants—and human identities, emphasizing fluidity and anti-essentialist perspectives. While metaphor can be valuable in education, these lessons risk overextending conceptual abstraction, replacing concrete environmental observation with ideological instruction. For children, particularly in early or middle childhood, excessive abstraction can hinder cognitive development by conflating empirical phenomena with normative social and political constructs.

Additionally, the curriculum critiques conventional linguistic frames, including metaphors like “birds and the bees,” positioning them as instruments of colonial and heteronormative power. Such framing may introduce complex sociopolitical interpretations into contexts traditionally reserved for foundational biological and ecological learning, potentially overwhelming young learners.


Moralizing Nature and Identity

Subsequent lessons extend these metaphorical frameworks into moral and social instruction. Students are asked to emulate the perceived allyship of natural objects and to conceptualize human identities in terms of ecological hierarchies, categorizing queer identities as “native” and others as “invasive.” While intended to promote reflection on inclusion and belonging, these exercises risk essentializing human worth according to ideologically charged criteria, substituting experiential learning with prescriptive social norms. By conflating ecological systems with social hierarchies, the curriculum may foster confusion rather than ethical understanding, undermining both environmental literacy and social cohesion.


Sexualization and Performative Instruction

The later lessons introduce overtly sexualized and performative elements, including the celebration of non-reproductive animal behaviors and the incorporation of drag-based exercises into outdoor activities. While drag pedagogy emphasizes self-invention and challenges normative binaries, its application to children’s environmental education raises questions of age-appropriateness. Embedding explicit discussions of sexuality and performative gender in contexts intended to cultivate observation, curiosity, and engagement with nature may distract from core learning objectives and impose adult conceptual frameworks onto immature cognitive and moral development.


Implications for Pedagogy

The queering of outdoor education exemplifies a broader pedagogical tension between radical inclusivity and the developmental needs of children. Integrating complex adult theoretical frameworks into early environmental education risks destabilizing students’ conceptual understanding, substituting guided inquiry with ideological instruction. While well-intentioned, such approaches may inadvertently limit children’s capacity for independent exploration, critical reasoning, and unmediated interaction with the natural world. Educational practice promote the idea of equality, not equity, along with the preservation of developmental appropriateness and cognitive accessibility.

 

 

Glossary

  • Queer Pedagogy: An educational approach that incorporates queer theory to challenge traditional assumptions about gender, sexuality, and identity.
  • Drag Pedagogy: A subset of queer pedagogy emphasizing performance, self-invention, and the destabilization of normative social roles.
  • Decolonial Education: Curriculum frameworks aimed at addressing and countering the legacies of colonialism, often by centering Indigenous perspectives.
  • Anti-Normative Critique: A critical approach that questions conventional social, cultural, or gender norms.
  • Cognitive Development: The mental growth and acquisition of knowledge, reasoning, and understanding in children.
  • Ideological Enculturation: The process of instilling a particular worldview or set of political beliefs, often through education.

References

  • British Columbia Teachers’ Federation. Queering Outdoor Education Newsletter. 2025.
  • Lacandona, Gaia. Drag Pedagogy: Performance and Learning. 2018.
  • Polukoshko, Jody. Queer and Decolonial Approaches to Outdoor Learning. BCTF publication, 2024.
  • Sumara, Dennis. Alternative Pedagogies and Cognitive Development: A Critical Review. 2017.

Suggested Readings Critiquing Queer Pedagogy

  • Lindsay, James & McEwen, Bob. Critical Pedagogy and the Limits of Ideological Education. 2021.
  • Wood, Peter. The Manipulation of Youth: How Ideology Enters the Classroom. 2019.
  • Scholes, Robert. Childhood, Ideology, and the Limits of Social Theory. 2018.
  • Davies, Belinda. Rethinking Radical Curricula: Balancing Innovation with Developmental Appropriateness. 2020.

 

That time is coming again, folks. Winter is Coming, and with it the familiar mix of beauty, inconvenience, and the kind of treachery only an Alberta chinook can undo.

Pretty soon the sidewalk in front of your house — that narrow strip we all share — will turn into a skating rink unless we do something about it. The goal is simple: get it down to dry pavement so the mail carrier, the kids heading to school, the dog-walkers, and that older couple two doors down don’t end up on their backsides with a broken wrist.

I used to think the shopping-cart test revealed everything you needed to know about a person. Turns out shoveling your walk is the grown-up version, with higher stakes. Returning a cart is easy. Clearing a sidewalk when it’s minus twenty and your snow blower is coughing its last breath? That’s real work. And some of us simply can’t do it — age, injury, travel, money, life. Totally understood.

But for those of us who can, even a half hour with a shovel keeps the whole block safer and friendlier. It means the paramedics don’t have to haul someone away from in front of your house. It means Mrs. Henderson doesn’t have to tiptoe in the street because the sidewalk’s an ice sheet. It means we all get to live in a neighbourhood that quietly says: we look out for each other here.

So when the snow flies, let’s grab the shovel, clear our stretch, and—if you’ve got it in you—give the neighbour’s corner a quick pass if they’re away or hurting. Those small, extra gestures are what make winter survivable and community real.

Winter is Coming. Let’s not let it win—and let’s make our block somewhere worth walking.

The rapid proliferation of gender ideology over the past decade—especially the surge of adolescent-onset gender dysphoria—stands as one of the clearest examples of social contagion in modern Western societies. A clinical framework once reserved for a very small number of adults with persistent, childhood-onset dysphoria was transformed into a cultural mandate through the convergence of three forces: institutional capture, algorithm-driven identity formation, and activist-driven medical practice.

Between 2015 and the early 2020s, referrals for gender services exploded—driven overwhelmingly by teenage girls with no prior history of dysphoria. Peer-group clustering, sudden identity shifts following intense online exposure, and the complete inversion of historic sex ratios all point to a socially transmitted phenomenon rather than a newly discovered biological one. Yet under the “affirmation” model, minors were placed on puberty blockers, cross-sex hormones, and permanent surgeries despite limited evidence, poorly understood risks, and a professional culture that increasingly discouraged clinical skepticism.

The hardest obstacle to unwind, however, will not be the institutions that enabled this shift. Policies can change, clinics can be restructured, and professional bodies can revise guidelines—as they already have across parts of Europe. The most immovable barrier will be parents. Many acted from compassion, social pressure, or a sincere desire to be “supportive,” but they now face an excruciating truth: they approved irreversible medical interventions on psychologically vulnerable teenagers during a developmental window historically marked by transient distress, identity confusion, and social sensitivity.

Double mastectomies on minors, lifetime fertility loss, and surgeries with complication rates exceeding anything considered acceptable elsewhere in medicine are not abstract debates. They are lived consequences. For parents, acknowledging error would require confronting a moral reality few can bear: that they were active participants in harming their own child. The human mind is built to avoid that revelation at all costs.

As a result, the detransition wave—real, growing, and increasingly documented—will face its fiercest resistance not from clinics or activists, but from within families. Parents will cling to the “lifesaving care” narrative long after the institutions that encouraged it have quietly retreated. They will reinterpret events to preserve psychic stability, even if doing so deepens the suffering of the child who must now live with the consequences.

Reversing the damage will require more than policy reform or legal accountability. It will require a public reckoning with the psychological mechanisms of self-deception, moral injury, and sunk-cost loyalty that allowed an entire society to medicate and operate on distressed adolescents in the name of affirmation. That reckoning—private, painful, and unavoidable—is the hardest part still to come.

 

References

  • The Cass Review – Independent Review of Gender Identity Services for Children and Young People (Interim Report) — NHS-commissioned review (Feb 2022) by Dr. Hilary Cass. Sex Matters

  • The Cass Review: Final Report (April 2024) — Hilary Cass’s full independent review. BASW+1

  • NHS England: Public Consultation Analysis & Summary – Interim Clinical Policy on Puberty-Suppressing Hormones (Jan 2024) — analysis of feedback on proposed policy changes. NHS England

  • Commission on Human Medicines (UK) Report – Proposed Restriction on GnRH Agonists for Under-18s — recommendation to restrict puberty blockers. GOV.UK

  • Equality & Health Inequalities Impact Assessment (EHIA), NHS England — assessment of health-inequality risks from the policy change on puberty blockers. GOV.UK+1

  • Karolinska Institutet Systematic Review on Hormonal Treatment in Youths (<18) — finds that GnRHa treatment should be considered experimental due to lack of long-term data. Karolinska Institutet News

  • Karolinska Hospital Policy Statement (April 2021) — stops prescribing puberty blockers and cross-sex hormones to minors under 16 except in research settings. Feminist Legal Clinic

The Stoics taught that excess corrupts both the soul and the body politic. Seneca warned that chasing boundless expansion courts ruin — true prosperity lies not in defiance of limits, but in living in accordance with nature’s measure. Marcus Aurelius similarly counseled restraint, urging us to act within the bounds of reason and accept the limits placed upon us. Applied to governance, this means a nation — like an individual — must assess its capacities before inviting more mouths to the table.

Canada’s recent immigration trajectory betrayed this principle. In 2023, the country added more than 1.27 million people — an annual growth rate of roughly 3.2 percent, driven overwhelmingly by international migration. (Statistics Canada) Over just a few years, the population climbed from under 39 million to over 41 million.

For years, permanent-resident targets hovered near 500,000, and temporary resident classes — students, workers, etc. — swelled. By 2025, however, disturbing strains were showing: housing shortages, rent and price inflation, pressure on health services, and signs of wage stress.

These were not speculative risks. Empirical analyses from bodies such as the Bank of Canada and CMHC correlate rapid population inflows with housing-market pressure. Public opinion followed suit. By late 2025, polling indicated that nearly two-thirds of Canadians considered even the then-reduced target for permanent residents (395,000) too high; roughly half held consistently negative views on immigration, not out of xenophobia, but from perceived stress on infrastructure and housing.

Recognizing this, Ottawa has begun to recalibrate. In its 2025–2027 Immigration Levels Plan, released publicly, the government committed to 395,000 permanent residents in 2025, then reducing to 380,000 in 2026 and 365,000 in 2027. (Canada) Even more significantly, temporary resident targets dropped: from 673,650 new TRs in 2025 to 516,600 in 2026, with further moderation planned. (Canada)

The demographic effects are already materializing. As of mid-2025, Canada’s estimated population growth slowed to 0.9 percent year-over-year, according to RBC Economics, with non-permanent residents making up a smaller share. (RBC) This slowdown itself validates the Stoic critique of overreach — a moment of reckoning for policy driven by expansion rather than equilibrium.

This retreat is welcome, but it remains reactive. From a Stoic perspective, reactive virtue is still virtue, but prudence demands more: a wisdom that designs policy proactively, not merely corrects after crisis. A Stoic polity would have matched immigration flows to real, measurable capacity long ago — gauging housing pipelines, healthcare strain, wage effects, and social cohesion.

Immigration in moderation enriches: it brings talent, innovation, and human flourishing. But unmoored from institutional capacity, it sows fragility, inequality, and resentment.

Going forward, Canada needs to institutionalize sophrosyne — the classical virtue of temperance and self-mastery. Targets should be set not by political fantasy or corporate lobbying, but by clear metrics: housing completions, per-capita infrastructure strain, healthcare wait-lists, and social stability.

The recent dialing back is a start. But true Stoic governance demands that moderation becomes a structural norm, not just a temporary correction. Only then can the polity live in accord with nature — virtuous, resilient, and enduring.

 

 


References

  1. Government of Canada, 2025–2027 Immigration Levels Plan. Permanent resident targets: 395,000 (2025), 380,000 (2026), 365,000 (2027). (Canada)
  2. Canada.ca, Government of Canada reduces immigration. Temporary resident reductions, projected decline in temporary population by 445,901 in 2025. (Canada)
  3. RBC Economics, Canada’s population growth slows… — mid-2025 year-over-year growth of 0.9%, share of non-permanent residents falling. (RBC)
  4. Statistics Canada, Population estimates, Q4 2024. International migration accounted for 98.5% of growth in Q4 2024. (Statistics Canada)
  5. CIC News, 2026-2028 Immigration Levels Plan will include new measures… — TR targets for 2026: 385,000 quoted, among other reductions. (CIC News)
  6. CIBC Thought Leadership, Population-growth projections… — analysis of visa expiry, outflows, and the challenge of non-permanent resident accounting. (cms.thoughtleadership.cibc.com)

Glossary of Key Terms

Term Meaning / Explanation
Sophrosyne A classical Greek virtue (especially important to Stoics): moderation, temperance, self-control, and harmony with nature. In this context, it means setting immigration policy in proportion to real capacity.
Non-Permanent Resident (NPR) Individuals in Canada on temporary visas: students, temporary foreign workers, etc. Not permanent residents or citizens.
Permanent Resident (PR) Someone who has been granted permanent residency in Canada: not a citizen yet, but has the right to live and work permanently.
Levels Plan / Immigration Levels Plan The Canadian government’s multi-year plan setting targets for new permanent and temporary immigrant admissions.
Absorptive Capacity The realistic capacity of a country (or region) to accommodate newcomers without undue strain: infrastructure, housing, healthcare, labour market, social services.
Reactive Virtue vs. Proactive Wisdom In Stoic terms: responding wisely after the fact (reactive) is good, but better is anticipating and designing policy with foresight (proactive).

 

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