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For most of my adult life, I identified as left-of-centre. I supported progressive policies on social issues, the environment, and equality. But over the past few years—especially now, at 51—I’ve found myself increasingly out of step with parts of the contemporary left. Not because my values changed, but because many of the policies being pushed today feel more disruptive than constructive. They often reshape core institutions, family structures, or economic systems without clear evidence that the changes will work long-term.
This isn’t a turn toward extremism. I still care deeply about compassion, fairness, and progress. What has changed is my tolerance for sweeping experimentation without rigorous testing. I want policy that is incremental, evidence-based, and willing to adjust when data shows something isn’t working. That’s not ideology—it’s responsibility.Seeking evidence-driven solutions isn’t inherently “right-wing.” Both sides claim to follow the data, but in practice, good policy should transcend labels. Historically, Canadian conservatism has often embodied this approach: balanced budgets, stable institutions, and pragmatic reforms that build on what already works rather than tearing systems down in pursuit of unproven theories.
Yet critics are quick to slap on labels like “Maple MAGA”—a term meant to equate any Canadian centre-right view with the most polarizing elements of U.S. Trumpism. It’s a lazy shortcut, designed to shut down conversation rather than understand it. Not every conservative is a populist firebrand. Many people—myself included—are simply tired of rapid, ideologically driven changes that risk destabilizing society without demonstrating clear benefits.
I’m not closed off. If strong evidence emerges showing that bold progressive policies genuinely improve stability, opportunity, and quality of life, I’m willing to reconsider. But right now, I see more promise in cautious, proven approaches that respect the complexity of the systems we’re trying to improve.
What about you? Have your views shifted as you’ve gained more life experience? I’m interested in real dialogue: no smears, no lazy labels, and no assumptions that a shift in perspective means abandoning core values.
In recent years, Canadian public schools have increasingly incorporated political themes into extracurricular events, including winter concerts. A widely discussed example occurred at Karen Kain School of the Arts in Toronto, where Grade 8 students performed a skit during a December “winter concert” featuring protest‑style signs such as “Give Back Stolen Land” and “Land Back.” The performance replaced traditional seasonal programming with messaging aligned with the contemporary “Land Back” movement. While the intent may have been to highlight Indigenous history, the choice of format and venue raises important questions about the appropriate boundaries between education and activism in publicly funded schools.
To evaluate this incident fairly, it is essential to distinguish between curricular education—which is mandated, necessary, and valuable—and extracurricular political advocacy, which carries different expectations and responsibilities.
Ontario’s curriculum explicitly requires students to learn about Indigenous histories, treaties, residential schools, and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s Calls to Action. These topics are not optional; they are embedded in the Social Studies and History curriculum for Grades 1–8. Teaching them is not activism—it is education grounded in historical fact and national responsibility. When taught in the classroom, these subjects can be explored with nuance, context, and opportunities for critical thinking.
The issue at Karen Kain is not the subject matter itself, but the format and framing. A winter concert is traditionally a community‑building event: inclusive, celebratory, and accessible to families of all backgrounds. Parents attend expecting music, dance, or drama that reflects seasonal themes or showcases student creativity. Transforming such an event into a protest‑style performance shifts the purpose from celebration to advocacy. It also removes the pedagogical safeguards—balanced discussion, guided inquiry, and contextual explanation—that exist in the classroom.
The “Land Back” movement, while rooted in legitimate discussions about Indigenous rights and historical treaties, is also a politically contested movement with a wide range of interpretations and significant implications for land ownership, governance, and public policy. Presenting it through slogans and protest imagery, without space for analysis or alternative perspectives, risks conveying a single ideological stance rather than fostering informed understanding. For 13‑ and 14‑year‑old students, who are still developing the ability to evaluate complex political claims, this can blur the line between learning about a movement and being encouraged to endorse it.
This concern is not hypothetical. Surveys consistently show that many Canadian parents prefer schools to avoid pushing students toward political activism, even on causes they personally support. Parents generally want schools to prioritize academic learning, critical thinking, and balanced instruction rather than advocacy. When extracurricular events adopt activist framing, it can erode trust by making families feel blindsided or excluded from decisions about what messages their children are asked to perform publicly.
None of this means schools should avoid difficult topics or silence discussions of Indigenous rights. On the contrary, these subjects deserve thoughtful, rigorous treatment. But context matters. A winter concert is not the venue for dramatizing contested political movements. Doing so risks reducing complex issues to slogans, bypassing critical engagement, and placing students in the role of political actors rather than learners.
A healthier approach would preserve the distinction between education and advocacy. Teach Indigenous history thoroughly in the classroom, as the curriculum requires. Encourage students to analyze movements like Land Back with intellectual seriousness. But keep extracurricular performances focused on inclusive, community‑oriented themes that unite rather than divide.
By maintaining this boundary, schools can honour both their educational mission and their responsibility to provide neutral, welcoming environments for all families—ensuring that learning remains grounded in inquiry, not activism, and that public events remain spaces of shared celebration rather than ideological theatre.
References
Original Incident and Reporting
Pfahl, Chanel (@ChanLPfa). “A parent at the Toronto District School Board sent me these pictures from the ‘Winter Concert’…” X (formerly Twitter), 18 Dec. 2025. https://x.com/ChanLPfa/status/2001719861723173203
“Toronto Grade 8 students stage ‘Land Back’ protest at school ‘winter concert’.” Juno News, 19 Dec. 2025. https://www.junonews.com/p/toronto-grade-8-students-stage-land
Ontario Curriculum Requirements
Ontario Ministry of Education. “Indigenous Education in Ontario.” Government of Ontario, updated 2 Sept. 2025. https://www.ontario.ca/page/indigenous-education-ontario
“Indigenous history, culture now mandatory part of Ontario curriculum.” CBC News, 8 Nov. 2017. https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/indigenous-history-culture-mandatory-ontario-curriculum-1.4393527
Context on the “Land Back” Movement
“The Indigenous ‘Land Back’ Movement: A Land Mine for Canadians.” C2C Journal, 28 Oct. 2024. https://c2cjournal.ca/2024/10/the-indigenous-land-back-movement-a-land-mine-for-canadians/
Parental Attitudes Toward Activism in Schools
Zwaagstra, Michael, and Alex MacPherson. “Canadian parents don’t want schools to push students into political activism.” Fraser Institute, 2024. https://www.fraserinstitute.org/commentary/canadian-parents-dont-want-schools-to-push-students-into-political-activism
Skate Canada’s decision to boycott national and international events in Alberta is a masterclass in self-sabotage. By refusing to host competitions in the province over the Fairness and Safety in Sport Act—which restricts female categories to biological females—Skate Canada has effectively admitted that its commitment to “inclusion” means prioritizing the feelings of transgender-identifying males over the safety, fairness, and privacy of girls and women in sport. This isn’t progressive; it’s predatory, as it signals that the organization is willing to endanger female athletes rather than enforce categories based on biological reality.
The irony is staggering: Skate Canada claims to uphold “safe and inclusive sport,” yet by punishing an entire province, it excludes thousands of Alberta skaters from convenient high-level opportunities while virtue-signaling about inclusion. Alberta’s law, in effect since September 2025, protects female competitors from inherent physical advantages retained by biological males, a concern backed by basic physiology and echoed in growing international restrictions. Instead of adapting or advocating for open/mixed categories, Skate Canada chooses exclusion in the name of inclusion—revealing a captured institution more concerned with ideological purity than the integrity of women’s figure skating.
This move should serve as a wake-up call. Taxpayer-funded organizations like Skate Canada that actively harm women’s sports by boycotting provinces protecting female athletes deserve immediate defunding and reform. If they can’t support fair competition without discriminating against biological reality, they have no business governing Canadian skating. Alberta girls deserve better than an organization that treats their safety as optional.
On December 3, 2025, Calgary pastor Derek Reimer was arrested for breaching the conditions of his conditional sentence order after refusing to write a court-mandated letter of apology to a public library manager and members of the LGBTQ+ community. The apology stemmed from his earlier conviction for criminal harassment related to protests against Drag Queen Story Hour events at Calgary libraries in 2023, where he had confronted organizers and posted videos online.
Reimer, citing his sincerely held religious beliefs, argued that complying would constitute compelled speech in violation of Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms; however, the court deemed his refusal a breach, leading to his immediate detention.At a bail hearing on December 5-6, 2025, no decision was reached on Reimer’s release, and he remains in custody awaiting a further hearing on Tuesday, December 9. The case highlights the extraordinary nature of the original sentencing requirement: court-ordered apologies are rare in Canadian criminal law and typically reserved for restorative justice or defamation contexts, not as a tool to enforce ideological conformity. By jailing a citizen for refusing to express remorse that contradicts his conscience, the justice system effectively punishes thought and belief rather than solely actions, raising serious concerns about state overreach.
This incident exemplifies growing authoritarian tendencies in Canada’s legal approach to dissent on cultural issues, where protections for freedom of expression and religion appear subordinated to enforcing compliance with progressive orthodoxies. Forcing individuals to voice insincere apologies—or face imprisonment—echoes compelled speech regimes in totalitarian systems, undermining the Charter’s guarantees and signaling that the government views certain religious convictions as incompatible with public order. As of December 6, 2025, Reimer’s continued detention without resolution further illustrates how such measures can be used to silence opposition through prolonged pre-trial incarceration.
Here are some reliable sources for readers seeking more details on Pastor Derek Reimer’s case, including the original protests, the court-ordered apology, his December 3, 2025 arrest for non-compliance, and the ongoing bail proceedings as of December 6, 2025:
- Original X post highlighting the case: https://x.com/RealMattA_/status/1997166177433321898 (Quotes journalist Chris Dacey’s update on the bail hearing delay.)
- Video update from the December 6 bail hearing (posted by
@chrisdacey
): https://x.com/chrisdacey/status/1997152423396204956 (Confirms no bail decision was reached and Reimer remains in custody until December 9.)
- Western Standard – Arrest coverage: https://www.westernstandard.news/news/watch-calgary-pastor-arrested-after-refusing-to-apologize-to-librarian/69520 (Includes details on the breach and compelled speech concerns.)
- Rebel News – Breaking arrest report: https://www.rebelnews.com/derek_reimer_arrested_after_refusing_court_ordered_apology (Features video of the arrest and background on the conditional sentence order.)
- Caldron Pool – Analysis of compelled speech: https://caldronpool.com/compelled-speech-canadian-pastor-arrested-for-refusing-to-issue-court-ordered-apology/ (Discusses Charter violations and Reimer’s religious objections.)
- LifeSiteNews – Recent developments: https://www.lifesitenews.com/news/canadian-pastor-arrested-for-refusing-to-write-apology-to-librarian-who-hosted-drag-queen-story-hour/ (Covers the arrest and broader context of protests against drag events for children.)
This is a great piece that has not done in Canada until this upcoming weekend! On December 14th at 4:00pm at the First Presbyterian Church, 10025 105 St NW. (Edmonton, Alberta)
If you’re looking for a fresh, heartwarming way to experience the Christmas story, Bob Chilcott’s Christmas Oratorio is an absolute gem that’s quickly becoming a modern classic. Premiered in 2019 at the Three Choirs Festival to rave reviews as “a palpable success… and utterly new,” this majestic work weaves the familiar biblical narrative from St Luke and St Matthew with beautiful 16th- to 19th-century poetry, creating a compelling and deeply moving retelling of the Nativity.
Chilcott, one of the world’s most beloved choral composers (and a former King’s Singer), brings his signature accessibility and lyrical beauty to every movement. From moments of rapt stillness—highlighted by the Evangelist’s intimate storytelling accompanied by harp and flute—to soaring choral sections and brand-new hymn tunes that invite the audience to sing along, the music is warm-hearted, joyful, and perfectly Christmassy. Standouts include the sweet harmonies of “Jesus Christ the Apple Tree,” the tender “Love Came Down at Christmas,” and an energetic finale that leaves you glowing with festive spirit.Critics have called it “irresistible,” “internally warming,” and “as Christmassy as it gets,” praising its blend of tradition and innovation that captures the magic, wonder, and joy of the season.
Whether you’re a lifelong choral fan or just seeking an uplifting holiday experience, this Oratorio is balm for the soul—accessible yet profound, with melodies that linger long after the final note.I’m thrilled to be singing in an upcoming performance, and I’d love for you to join us! Come celebrate the true spirit of Christmas through this exquisite music—it’s the perfect way to fill your heart with peace and joy. Tickets are available now—don’t miss out!
– Evidence from the Harper Era in CanadaIn Canadian political discourse, it’s a common trope—often repeated in partisan debates—that “Conservatives hate the poor.” This accusation implies that conservative governments prioritize the wealthy at the expense of low-income families, offering little to no support for those in need. However, a closer look at the record of Stephen Harper’s Conservative government (2006–2015) reveals a different story: a series of targeted policies designed to put more money directly into the pockets of low-income Canadians, working families, and vulnerable groups.
This was powerfully illustrated in a recent X post by user@GreatBig_Sea, which directly refuted the claim in response to another user’s assertion that “Conservatives have always hated the poor and working class.” The post compiled a detailed, evidence-based list of 15 major Harper-era initiatives, backed by official records and Statistics Canada data showing measurable reductions in poverty and low-income rates during that period.Key Harper-Era Policies Supporting Low-Income CanadiansThe Conservative approach emphasized tax relief, direct cash transfers, and incentives to encourage work and family stability—rather than large-scale institutional programs. Here are some highlights from the post:
- Universal Child Care Benefit (UCCB, 2006; expanded 2015): Provided $100/month per child under 6 (later $160), plus $60/month for ages 6–17. This universal payment went to all families, delivering $1,200–$1,920 annually per young child to help with living or childcare costs—directly benefiting low-income households without means-testing stigma.
- Working Income Tax Benefit (WITB, 2007; precursor to Canada Workers Benefit): A refundable credit topping up earnings for low-wage workers (up to $1,000 for singles, $2,000 for families), reducing the “welfare wall” and making work more rewarding.
- Registered Disability Savings Plan (RDSP, 2008): Government matching grants up to 300% plus bonds up to $1,000/year for low-income families with disabled members.
- Tax-Free Savings Account (TFSA, 2009): Allowed tax-free growth and withdrawals, helping low-income Canadians build emergency savings.
- Children’s Fitness and Arts Tax Credits (2006–2014 expansions): Up to $500–$1,000 per child, made partially refundable for low-income families.
Other measures included enhanced GST/HST credits, public transit tax credits, caregiver credits, and increased funding for First Nations child welfare. These weren’t trickle-down theories—they were direct transfers and credits that disproportionately aided lower-income groups.Measurable Impact: Poverty and Low-Income Rates DeclinedStatistics Canada data corroborates the effectiveness of these policies:
- Child poverty under the Market Basket Measure (MBM, Canada’s official poverty line since 2018) showed improvement during the Harper years, with overall poverty at 14.5% in 2015 (the benchmark year for federal targets).
- Low-income rates using the after-tax Low Income Measure (LIM-AT) fell from around 13–14% in the mid-2000s to 11.2% by 2015.
- After-tax incomes for the bottom income quintile rose approximately 17% from 2006 to 2015, driven by tax cuts and benefits.
While poverty dropped more sharply after 2015 with the introduction of the Canada Child Benefit (which built on and reformed some Harper-era programs), the Harper government laid groundwork with direct supports that helped stabilize and reduce low-income rates amid the 2008 global recession.Why the Myth Persists—and Why It’s MisleadingCritics often prefer expansive government-run programs (e.g., national daycare) over direct cash to families, viewing the latter as insufficient.
Yet the Harper policies empowered parents to choose how to use the money—whether for childcare, essentials, or work incentives—while avoiding bureaucracy. As one reply to the X post noted, Conservatives focus on growing the economy and providing targeted relief to encourage participation, rather than broad welfare expansion.The original X post (available here: https://x.com/GreatBig_Sea/status/1982121517665137029) serves as a valuable, fact-checked resource in heated debates, reminding us that policy differences aren’t about “hating the poor” but about differing philosophies on how best to help them.
References:
- Original X thread and policy list: https://x.com/GreatBig_Sea/status/1982121517665137029
- Statistics Canada Dimensions of Poverty Hub (MBM and LIM trends): https://www.statcan.gc.ca/en/topics-start/poverty
- Government of Canada background on Harper-era family measures: https://www.canada.ca/en/news/archive/2015/07/today-parents-get-child-care-payments-harper-government-1003359.html
- Wikipedia summary of Universal Child Care Benefit (with sources): https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Canada_Child_Benefit
In the end, actions speak louder than slogans. The Harper record shows a commitment to practical support for low-income families—not indifference.
In British Columbia, a dangerous woke ideology masquerading as “reconciliation” is being weaponized by Premier David Eby and his inner circle to dismantle the foundations of Canadian society. As Caroline Elliott reveals in her piercing National Post opinion piece, Eby’s advisors—figures like Doug White and Dr. Roshan Danesh—promote a worldview that treats Canada’s formation as an “original sin” demanding atonement through “turbulent transition,” “rupture,” “sacrifice,” and the “utter transformation of human affairs.” This is not benign progressivism; it is extremist zealotry that views Western civilization as inherently oppressive, requiring painful societal upheaval to achieve absolution.
By framing non-Indigenous Canadians as “settlers,” “colonizers,” or “uninvited guests,” these ideologues sow division and guilt, paving the way for the erosion of property rights, economic stability, and democratic norms.
At the heart of this agenda lies the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act (DRIPA), which mandates aligning B.C. laws with the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), including taking “all measures necessary” to enforce it. Elliott highlights how this has led to precedents like the Haida agreement, which recognizes Aboriginal title over private property for the first time, and the B.C. Supreme Court’s Cowichan decision, creating profound uncertainty for landowners. Advisors like Danesh explicitly link this to colonialism’s “domino effect,” where ignoring Indigenous title “knocks down much of the foundation for certainty of fee simple property title.” What woke zealots celebrate as justice is, in reality, a calculated assault on private ownership—the bedrock of a free society—turning secure homes and businesses into contested territories subject to Indigenous jurisdiction.
This radical push extends to land-use and resource development, where officials demand Indigenous consent as the “rightful owners,” effectively halting projects and ceding control over vast public lands. NDP figures like Spencer Chandra Herbert and Christine Boyle openly advocate for the “LandBack” movement, criticizing government ownership and calling for jurisdiction to be handed over to Indigenous groups. Elliott quotes the advisors’ chilling vision of reconciliation as a “coming of age” process that renders “widely accepted practices and conventions, cherished attitudes and habits… one by one being rendered obsolete.” Such language betrays the true intent: not coexistence, but the deliberate obsolescence of Canadian traditions, values, and economic prosperity in favor of a reorganized society built on perpetual atonement.
The consequences of this woke extremism are already manifesting in an “ungovernable province,” where economic devastation looms from blocked development, property values plummet amid title uncertainty, and social cohesion fractures under the weight of imposed guilt. By prioritizing ideological purity over the public interest, Eby’s government treats disagreement as complicity in oppression, dismissing concerns as veiled racism. This is the hallmark of authoritarian zealotry: silencing opposition while pursuing a transformative agenda that benefits a narrow elite of activists and bureaucrats at the expense of ordinary citizens.
Ultimately, British Columbia’s radical reconciliation agenda exemplifies how woke ideology seeks the destruction of society as we know it—replacing merit, individuality, and rule of law with collective guilt, tribalism, and state-enforced rupture. If unchecked, this precedent will spread, undermining Canada’s sovereignty and prosperity nationwide. True reconciliation requires mutual respect and practical solutions, not the painful demolition demanded by these extremists. Citizens must resist this zealotry before the foundations of our civilized order are irrevocably shattered.
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