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This is how activists frame their lies and misdirection.
Here is their bullshittery in full:
The introduction of new rules restricting participation in women’s sport categories to “biological females”, determined through mandatory genetic screening and testing, imposes exclusionary criteria. These measures not only bar transgender women from competition, but target and disqualify cisgender women with differences in sex development.
This policy will apply to the Los Angeles 2028 Olympic Games and beyond, despite the absence of clear evidence that any transgender women were poised to participate in those Games. The IOC’s approach aligns itself with the U.S. government’s 2025 executive order “Keeping Men Out of Women’s Sports” which threatened to withdraw funding from organizations that permit transgender athletes to compete and to deny visas to certain athletes seeking to participate in the Los Angeles Olympics. The convergence of international sport governance with exclusionary state policy raises serious concerns about the politicization of athletic participation and the erosion of independent, rights-respecting governance.
“While framed as a measure to ensure fairness, this policy imposes exclusionary criteria that will disproportionately harm transgender women and also place cisgender women at risk, particularly those with natural biological variations,” says Aaden Pearson, Trans Rights Legal Fellow at the Canadian Civil Liberties Association. “The policy authorizes intrusive scrutiny of women’s bodies and asserts authority over who gets to participate as a ‘real’ woman under the guise of regulation.”
This policy will have detrimental impact on Canadian athletes that may be barred from participating in the Olympics because of this policy who otherwise would qualify to represent Canada.
A rights-respecting approach to sport must be grounded in inclusion, evidence, and proportionality. Fairness and human dignity are not mutually exclusive. The legitimacy of sport depends on ensuring that all athletes are able to participate without discrimination.
The CCLA calls on the IOC and national sporting bodies to:
- Immediately reconsider the implementation of these eligibility rules;
- Ensure that any policies governing participation in sport are evidence-based, proportionate, and consistent with international human rights obligations; and
- Uphold the principle that sport must be accessible to all, without discrimination.
The legitimacy of sport depends not only on fairness in competition, but on fairness in access. Policies that exclude, surveil, and stigmatize athletes have no place in a rights-respecting sporting system.”
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When a civil liberties organization cannot define a category, it cannot defend a right.
That is the move.
The IOC’s policy does not abolish sport as a “human right.” It sets an eligibility rule for the female category: from LA 2028 onward, athletes in that category must pass a one-time SRY gene screen, using saliva, a cheek swab, or blood. Athletes who do not qualify are still eligible for male, mixed, or open categories. This is not exclusion from sport. It is boundary enforcement within sport.
That distinction is the entire argument, and the CCLA refuses to engage it.
Instead, it leans on the language of “inclusion” as though inclusion means entitlement to every category. But sport has never worked that way. Weight classes exclude. Age divisions exclude. Paralympic classifications exclude. Women’s sport exists because sex matters. Calling sex-based eligibility “exclusionary” does not answer that reality. It simply renames the boundary and hopes no one notices.
The claim that the policy “targets cisgender women with differences in sex development” is similarly evasive. The IOC framework uses SRY screening because it is strong evidence of male development. World Boxing’s policy is explicit: eligibility for the women’s category excludes athletes with Y-chromosome material or male androgenization. The relevant question is not whether someone identifies as a woman, but whether they have undergone male development. The CCLA substitutes sympathetic language for that question rather than answering it.
The argument about there being no “clear evidence” of transgender women poised to compete in LA 2028 is weaker still. Rules are not written only after a problem becomes numerically large. They are written to clarify the category before competition begins. “There aren’t many” is not an argument against having a rule. It is an admission that the rhetoric is disproportionate to the scale of the issue.
“It treats female sport as though it were an access program rather than a sex-based category.”
The claim of “intrusive scrutiny” is also inflated. The IOC’s first-line test is a one-time genetic screen using saliva, cheek swab, or blood. That is not the same thing as the mid-20th century abuses activists like to invoke. A serious civil-liberties analysis would distinguish between limited modern verification and historical excess. This statement deliberately blurs them.
And then there is the core contradiction. The CCLA says fairness and dignity are not mutually exclusive. That is true. But it follows that female athletes can be treated with dignity and retain a protected category that excludes males. The CCLA resolves this tension by dissolving the category instead. In practice, its position requires female athletes to absorb the cost: compromised fairness, weakened boundaries, and—in contact sports—elevated risk.
That is not a neutral rights framework.
It is a redefinition of rights in which access to the female category is prioritized, and the integrity of that category is treated as negotiable.
A civil liberties organization should be able to state the purpose of a category before it critiques its rules. The CCLA does not. It treats the female category as a site for validating identity claims rather than as a sporting class organized around sex.
Once that happens, the conclusion is pre-determined.
Female boundaries become suspect.
Enforcement becomes cruelty.
And reality becomes something to be managed with language.
There are sermons that call men to humility, mercy, and repentance. Then there are sermons like this one: small, cruel, and drunk on power.In August 2025, a sermon by Taliban cleric Mahmood Zakeri circulated widely online. In it, he declared that a woman has no right to walk outside with both eyes open, and that if one eye remains uncovered it may be used only to watch the path, not to look around. He also reaffirmed the rule that women must leave home only with a male guardian.
That is not holiness. It is not modesty. It is the religious language of domination.
The point is not simply to cover women. It is to reduce them. A woman may see, but not look. She may move, but not appear. She may exist, but only under supervision. This is what tyranny looks like when it becomes intimate. It does not stop at law or force. It enters the body, the face, the eyes, and the terms of ordinary presence.
The Taliban’s rule over women has followed this logic from the start. Women and girls have been pushed out of school, work, and public life. They have been made dependent, restricted, and vulnerable by design. This sermon matters because it states the regime’s purpose with unusual bluntness. The goal is not public morality. The goal is female submission.
And this is where religion is being degraded along with women.
Islam is being used here not as a path to righteousness, but as a warrant for male control. Scripture and clerical authority are being conscripted to make domination sound sacred. That is one of the oldest abuses of religion: to take what should humble the strong and turn it into a weapon against the weak.
No serious moral society should accept that disguise. A woman is not a source of pollution to be hidden, escorted, monitored, and diminished. She is not male property. She is not a household object under external management. She is a human being. Any system that denies that is evil, whatever language it wraps around itself.
There is something especially repellent in the pettiness of it. Afghanistan has been battered by poverty, war, loss, and instability. Women there have already lost freedom, education, work, and legal protection. Faced with all that suffering, this cleric’s great moral concern is whether a woman may use both eyes.
That is not spiritual seriousness. It is sadism dressed as virtue.
When religion rots into ideology, this is what happens. The faith is no longer used to discipline pride or protect the vulnerable. It is used to flatter male authority and train women into fear. It becomes less a way to honor God than a system for breaking human beings into obedience.
A healthy religion reminds men that they are not God. The Taliban uses religion to tell them they may act like gods over women.
Some political movements seek to reform institutions. Gender ideology asks for something larger and stranger. It asks society to treat subjective identity as more authoritative than sexed embodiment, and then to reorganize language, law, education, medicine, and intimate social norms around that priority. The promise is liberation from constraint. The reality is collision. When the self is treated as sovereign over the body, every boundary that still reflects sex begins to look like an injustice in need of correction.
That point has to be stated carefully. This essay is not a denial that some people experience genuine dysphoria, distress, or alienation from their bodies. Nor is it a claim that every trans-identifying person arrives at that identity through the same motives, pathways, or degree of ideological commitment. The target here is narrower and more political: an activist doctrine that turns subjective identification into a public demand, treats resistance as harm, and insists that the rest of society ratify its claims even where doing so dissolves clarity, boundaries, and truth.
At its most ambitious, gender ideology offers a redemptive promise. The conflict between self and body can be resolved. Alienation can be overcome. The old constraints of sex can be socially, medically, and linguistically superseded. The person need not reconcile himself to reality. Reality can be revised until it reflects the inner claim. But that promise carries a built-in instability. The body does not cease to be sexed because the surrounding vocabulary changes. Social reality does not become infinitely plastic because institutions adopt new rules. Other people continue to perceive bodies as they are, not merely as they are declared to be. Where the doctrine expects resolution, it encounters friction.
“Women are told to absorb the contradiction and treat it as progress.”
That friction matters because it does not remain abstract for long. Women’s boundaries are among the first places where sex remains socially visible and morally non-negotiable. Changing rooms, shelters, prisons, sports, hospital wards, quotas, maternity language, and the ordinary right to name male bodies as male all become targets once identity is treated as sovereign. The demand is not merely for courtesy. It is for override. Women are told to absorb the contradiction and treat it as progress. If they object, their objection is rarely treated as a competing rights claim grounded in privacy, vulnerability, fairness, dignity, or safety. It is moralized as exclusion, cruelty, or hatred.
This is where the negative-idealist mechanism, already traced in earlier essays, sharpens into focus. In a visible subset of male transition pathways, the conflict is intensified by a contested but persistent pattern: autogynephilia, the eroticization of the self as female. The concept is disputed and does not explain every case. Even so, it accounts for observable features in some trajectories: fantasy-driven identification, idealized femininity, online reinforcement, and a demand that others ratify the internal image as socially real. Where that pattern is present, sexed reality appears not as a limit to be reckoned with, but as an insult to be overcome. What cannot be secured inwardly is demanded outwardly through language, ritual affirmation, institutional policy, and the erosion of boundaries once thought too basic to require defense.
Institutions then inherit the contradiction. They are asked to affirm that sex is real enough to matter in medicine, reproduction, and anatomy, but unreal or irrelevant wherever women seek exclusion, protection, or clear naming. They are asked to treat words as both descriptive and compulsory, as if language were a branch of ethics rather than a tool for tracking reality. They are asked to uphold fairness while denying the relevance of the sex differences that made female categories necessary in the first place. The result is not ordinary accommodation. It is organized unreality, maintained by euphemism, fear, and social pressure.
Once the doctrine reaches this stage, dissent can no longer be treated as ordinary disagreement. Neutral refusal leaves sex standing. Clear language leaves the body visible. Female boundaries leave the claim of total override incomplete. So resistance must be moralized. Women defending sex-based spaces become aggressors. Parents asking for caution become extremists. Professionals who refuse to lie become threats. The contradiction is externalized so the doctrine can remain innocent. What it cannot resolve, it accuses.
“The result is not ordinary accommodation. It is organized unreality, maintained by euphemism, fear, and social pressure.”
At that point the familiar mechanism returns. The promised reconciliation between self and world fails to arrive in full. The body remains sexed. Other people keep noticing. Boundaries persist. Tradeoffs refuse to disappear. Rather than treating this as evidence that the doctrine asks too much of reality, the movement interprets the friction as proof that enemies remain active. A purified horizon is announced. Reality fails to comply. The gap is moralized. The search for the guilty begins.
The cost is now visible everywhere. Women lose the confidence to defend boundaries without being cast as moral offenders. Institutions lose the ability to speak plainly about sex without fear of sanction. Children are taught contested metaphysical claims as though they were settled truths. And a doctrine too unstable to secure assent through evidence alone increasingly relies on compulsion, euphemism, intimidation, and institutional pressure. What begins as a politics of identity becomes a politics of override.
The problem, then, is not simply that gender ideology is confused, though it often is. It is that confusion has been translated into policy, pedagogy, and compulsion. A doctrine built on unstable metaphysics now presses against some of the most basic social distinctions human beings have long relied on: male and female, mother and father, privacy and exposure, fairness and force, truth and courtesy. Because the doctrine cannot secure its claims through evidence or peaceful coexistence alone, it increasingly seeks protection through euphemism, intimidation, and institutional pressure. That is why the breakdown of female boundaries is not a side issue. It is one of the clearest signs that the ideology has moved from private belief to coercive social power.
When a movement cannot make reality yield, it begins by demanding silence and ends by punishing those who still name what they can see.
When an ideology cannot make reality yield, women are often told to bear the cost in silence.
The Taliban’s gender apartheid in Afghanistan has erased decades of women’s rights, yet Western feminists remain largely mute. This selective outrage undermines global solidarity and demands scrutiny.
The Plight of Afghan Women
Since the Taliban’s 2021 return, Afghan women live under the harshest restrictions in the world. Girls are banned from schooling beyond sixth grade. Women are barred from most employment, forbidden from traveling without male chaperones, and compelled to wear full coverings. More than 80 edicts—54 targeting women—have stripped them of agency.
The results are devastating: suicide rates among Afghan women now exceed those of men, a stark marker of despair. The UN describes Afghanistan as the most repressive state for women globally, with its system of gender apartheid potentially amounting to a crime against humanity. Afghan women themselves say they feel “invisible, isolated, suffocated.”
The Silence of Western Feminists
Where is the outrage? Western feminists—so vocal on reproductive rights, pay gaps, and representation—have been notably quiet. In 1997, the Feminist Majority Foundation spearheaded a campaign against Taliban “gender apartheid,” mobilizing U.S. media and Congress. No such mobilization exists today.
Instead, Western feminist discourse remains centered on domestic struggles. Social media cycles amplify abortion battles or workplace equity, while Afghanistan’s crisis rarely trends. A 2022 Human Rights Watch panel highlighted Afghan women’s sense of abandonment—forgotten by those who once claimed solidarity. The silence is more than neglect; it erodes the credibility of a movement that champions global sisterhood.
The Opposition’s View
Defenders argue Western feminists are rightly focused on where they wield influence—local policy fights over abortion or workplace equity. Others fear that advocating for Afghan women risks repeating colonialist “savior” narratives, as post-9/11 rhetoric did.
But caution has curdled into apathy. Silence neither elevates Afghan voices nor restrains Taliban oppression. If anything, Western feminism’s past complicity in militarized “rescue” campaigns demands more careful, accountable solidarity—not retreat.
The Takeaway
Irony abounds: a movement quick to decry domestic patriarchy turns mute before a regime that has locked women in their homes. Afghan women are not asking for saviors, but for allies who will amplify their voices and challenge their erasure.
Consistency is the true test of principle. Championing equality at home while ignoring gender apartheid abroad is not solidarity—it is privilege. The Taliban’s repression is their crime, but Western feminim’s silence is a stain on its conscience.
References
- UN Women. Women in Afghanistan: From Almost Everywhere to Almost Nowhere. Link
- Human Rights Watch. Afghan Women and Western Intervention: A Conversation. Link
- Atlantic Council. In Afghanistan’s Gender Apartheid. Link
This is such an important step in regaining female rights and boundaries in Canada. I hope the CPC actually does something with this and gives female voters a home within the Canadian polity.
Did you want to know the state of things? Here it is. Get out there and demand that we respect female rights, boundaries, and safety in society.
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