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Most social lies do not begin as lies. They begin as little acts of politeness.
You laugh at a joke that was not funny. You say “no problem” when there was, in fact, a problem. You sit through a meeting where everyone knows the plan makes no sense, but nobody wants to be the person who slows the room down. Ordinary life requires tact. Not every uncomfortable truth needs to be hurled across the table the moment it appears.
But there is a difference between tact and required unreality.
Tact says we should not be needlessly cruel. Required unreality says we must say the false thing, affirm the false thing, organize institutions around the false thing, and treat anyone who refuses as morally suspect.
That difference matters because societies rarely drift away from truth in one dramatic leap. They drift through small accommodations. A phrase changes here. A courtesy becomes expected there. A workplace norm hardens into policy. A school form gets rewritten. A professional guideline quietly changes the question everyone is allowed to ask.
Then, one day, ordinary people look around and realize they are being asked to deny things they can see with their own eyes.
The debate over sex and gender is one of the clearest examples.
The first move was linguistic. “Sex observed at birth” became “sex assigned at birth.” Many people shrugged. It sounded harmless, maybe even compassionate. Why fight over wording? But the change was not neutral. “Observed” describes the recognition of a biological fact. “Assigned” suggests an administrative decision, something imposed, possibly mistaken, perhaps unjust.
No parent waits for a committee to assign sex. They see the baby. They know. The doctor observes. The parents understand. The paperwork follows reality; it does not create it.
But once “assigned” becomes normal, the ground has shifted. The old reality has not disappeared, but the language around it has been loosened. A fact starts to sound like an opinion. An observation starts to sound like an imposition. What was once obvious becomes something polite people are encouraged not to say too firmly.
Pronouns came next for many ordinary people. “What is the harm?” they were told. “It is just politeness.”
And in private life, adults can choose whatever courtesies they want. People use nicknames. People avoid sore spots. People soften language to keep peace with neighbours, coworkers, students, friends, and family. That is normal human life.
The difficulty begins when courtesy becomes compulsory and everyone is expected to speak as though sex has disappeared from the room.
A teacher pauses before saying “she.” A coworker catches himself mid-sentence. A parent sits through a school meeting and says nothing because every adult in the room knows what is being asked, and nobody wants to be first to break the spell. So people go along. They use words they do not quite believe. They tell themselves it is only a small thing.
“Those arguments matter. But before any of them can be had honestly, people must be allowed to say what they know is true.”
Small things train larger habits. Once people become accustomed to saying what they do not believe, the person who says, “wait, this is not accurate,” becomes the problem. Not the falsehood. Not the policy built on it. The person who interrupts the shared performance.
That is how a real slippery slope works. It is not that one concession magically causes the next. It is that each concession changes the moral conditions under which the next demand is judged.
If sex is “assigned,” and pronouns are only kindness, and refusing preferred language is cruelty, then female-only spaces start to look morally suspicious. The sign on the changing room may stay the same, but the rule underneath it changes. The word “women” remains on the door. What it means has been quietly edited.
That edit does not stay abstract. It reaches the sports team someone’s daughter trains with. It reaches shelters, prisons, changing rooms, rape-crisis services, and lesbian boundaries. All can be reframed as sites of exclusion. The question quietly changes from “Do women and girls have sex-based rights?” to “Why are you being unkind to this vulnerable person?”
None of this denies that some people experience genuine distress about their bodies. They do. The question is whether compassion requires everyone else to rewrite reality around that distress.
By then, the argument has already moved. Women are no longer asking to preserve boundaries rooted in sex. They are being asked to justify why those boundaries should exist at all.
That is not an abstract problem. It changes institutions. It changes policies. It changes what children are taught. It changes what professionals are allowed to say. It changes whether parents, teachers, doctors, athletes, and ordinary citizens are permitted to name reality without being accused of hatred.
The kind lie does not remain kind once people are punished for refusing it.
We can debate the details of medicine, sports, schools, safeguarding, and law. Those arguments matter. But before any of them can be had honestly, people must be allowed to say what they know is true.
Reality has a way of waiting. Bodies still exist. Sex still matters in medicine, sport, privacy, reproduction, vulnerability, and patterns of violence. Institutions can change their language, but language does not abolish the facts underneath it. Step away from truth for long enough and eventually reality supplies the correction.
Reality always bats last.
The point is not that every hard truth should be spoken harshly. Decency matters. So does compassion. But compassion detached from truth becomes something else. It becomes a demand that some people absorb real costs so everyone else can feel morally clean.
That is the part ordinary people need to notice. Every time they play along with a claim they know is not true, they are not merely being polite. They may be helping build the next rule, the next policy, the next institutional punishment for the person who finally says no.
A recent post from a Women’s Liberation Front activist should be read less as a complaint than as a warning about how institutions train dissenters to accept contempt as normal.
She describes years of opposing gender-identity legislation in California: travelling to Sacramento, meeting legislative offices, testifying at hearings, and trying to explain to ordinary people what the policies actually mean. Female locker rooms become mixed-sex spaces by administrative decree. Girls’ sports and girls’ boundaries become conditional. Distressed young women are placed on medical pathways that can permanently alter healthy bodies.
The remarkable part is not merely that lawmakers disagree with her. Disagreement is expected in politics. What stands out is the air of pre-judgment around the process. She writes that legislators’ offices treat these women with “barely contained disdain.” Public hearings fill with activists who regard any defence of female boundaries as proof of bigotry. The women objecting are not received as citizens raising serious concerns about privacy, safeguarding, fairness, or medical ethics. They are treated as a nuisance class: managed, endured, and socially disqualified before the argument begins.
A functioning democracy does not require lawmakers to agree with every citizen. It does require them to hear citizens as citizens. When women raise concerns about intimate spaces, parental knowledge, fair competition, or irreversible interventions on minors, the answer cannot simply be a sneer and a label. “Bigot” is not an argument. “Hate” is not a policy analysis. “Inclusion” does not magically settle every conflict between competing rights.
Institutional capture often works this way. It does not begin by winning every argument in public. It begins by deciding which arguments are permitted to count. After that, the ordinary political process becomes strangely theatrical. Hearings still happen. Citizens still line up to speak. Legislators still nod along with the solemn expressions of people performing democratic patience. But the conclusion has already been filed away. These women are not constituents with claims on representation. They are obstacles to be routed around.
“A functioning democracy does not require lawmakers to agree with every citizen. It does require them to hear citizens as citizens.”
California is an especially sharp example because its political culture is so one-sided on this issue. The institutions are not neutral referees; they have chosen a side, and women who object are expected to absorb that fact politely. Over time, this wears people down. The WoLF activist’s most revealing line is not the one about crazy legislation. It is the moment of recognition: going to Washington, D.C. reminded her how badly she had become accustomed to being treated in California.
That is what contempt does over time. It lowers your expectations. It trains you to think basic respect is a luxury. It teaches you that being ignored is normal, that being caricatured is normal, that being called hateful for stating sex-based concerns is the price of admission.
This is especially perverse when the dissenters are women defending women’s boundaries. Feminism once insisted that female privacy, bodily integrity, and protection from male entitlement mattered. Now women who make those arguments are often treated as embarrassing relics, reactionaries, or moral contaminants. The old feminist vocabulary survives, but the sex class it was built to defend has been quietly replaced by a more fashionable abstraction.
The inversion should be obvious by now. Women are told they must be compassionate while their own concerns are dismissed. Girls are told inclusion matters while fairness and privacy are negotiated away on their behalf. Parents are told to trust institutions that increasingly treat hesitation as a threat. Citizens are told democracy is sacred while lawmakers learn to ignore the public on issues where the public is far less progressive than the activist class.
“The hearings still happen. Citizens still line up to speak. But the conclusion has already been filed away.”
This is why the fight matters even when a particular bill is lost. Public opposition creates a record. It denies consensus. It tells other women they are not alone. It forces legislators to own what they are doing rather than hiding behind bureaucratic language and moral fog.
Eventually, legislators need to pay a political price for treating women this way. Not because disagreement is forbidden. Not because every feminist objection should automatically prevail. But because a political class that can dismiss women’s sex-based concerns with contempt has learned something dangerous about power: the right moral vocabulary can make ordinary citizens disappear.
Women cannot win a fight they are shamed out of entering. They cannot defend boundaries they are not allowed to name. They cannot rely on institutions that have already decided their objections are evidence of guilt.
The point is not that every battle will be won in Sacramento. Some will be lost. Maybe many. But silence is how capture becomes permanent. Visibility is how it starts to crack.
Institutional capture rarely arrives breathing fire. More often, it brings a binder, a microphone, and a schedule.
Women do not need permission to define themselves.
The word woman already has a meaning. It is not hateful to say so, and it is not extremist to defend female boundaries, female privacy, female sports, or female-only spaces. Women are adult human females. That definition is not a slur. It is the basis on which women’s rights were built.
The public silence around this issue is starting to crack because too many people can now see where the trajectory leads. A society that cannot define women cannot reliably protect them. Rights tied to sex become fragile once sex itself is treated as optional language.
Enough of the intimidation. Enough of the compelled speech. Enough of the social blackmail that brands ordinary women as bigots for wanting boundaries previous generations understood as normal, necessary, and humane.
The next step is not private agreement. It is public resistance, steady enough that institutions can no longer pretend the objection belongs only to cranks and extremists.
Write to elected officials and demand that sex-based protections be clarified in law as applying to biological sex. Support groups defending women’s sports, shelters, prisons, and female-only services. Push back in schools, workplaces, unions, professional associations, and public consultations when policies dissolve female boundaries into identity claims. Refuse the language games that make reality harder to discuss. Speak plainly, calmly, and repeatedly.
Support the journalists, writers, academics, whistleblowers, parents, athletes, and ordinary women who are absorbing the punishment for saying what millions still believe. Do not leave them standing alone while quietly agreeing with them afterward in private.
That private agreement is one of the main things keeping this machine alive. Institutions interpret silence as consent. Bureaucracies advance until they meet resistance, and too many citizens have been trained to mistake politeness for surrender.
This resistance does not require rage or cruelty. It requires steadiness, numbers, and the willingness to stop pretending obvious things are unsayable.
The backlash already underway across the Western world is not driven by hatred. It is driven by exhaustion with the claim that female boundaries are negotiable, that biology is taboo, and that dissent itself is immoral.
Women have the right to their own spaces, language, associations, and political interests. No court ruling or policy document can erase that reality.
The recent Tickle v Giggle ruling exposes a widening gap between legal language and ordinary reality.
The court held that a female-only app unlawfully discriminated against a ‘transgender woman’ by excluding him from the platform. The legal mechanism matters: this was framed through gender-identity discrimination protections. But the practical result is hard to miss. A space created for women was told it could not draw its boundary around being female.
That has consequences beyond one app.
Women’s sex-based protections exist because sex is real. Pregnancy is real. Male-pattern violence is real. Privacy concerns in shelters, prisons, changing rooms, sports, and intimate female spaces are not imaginary. They are not bigotry dressed up as discomfort. They arise from material differences that law once had enough common sense to recognize.
A humane society can treat transgender people with dignity and still preserve female-only spaces. Those two duties are not enemies unless ideology makes them so.
The problem with this ruling is that it pushes women into the old subordinate role again: accommodate first, object later, and expect punishment if the objection sounds too firm. Female boundaries become negotiable. Female discomfort becomes suspect. Meanwhile, identity claims are treated as moral imperatives that everyone else must organize around.
That is not equality. It is a new hierarchy with better manners.
Ordinary people notice the coercion. They notice the pressure to say things publicly that they do not believe privately. They notice that everyone still understands what sex is when the issue is medical care, crime statistics, pregnancy, or athletics, but suddenly becomes confused when women try to maintain a boundary.
This is why the issue refuses to disappear. Reality keeps returning through the side door.
The law should protect every citizen from harassment and mistreatment. But it should not compel society to pretend that sex is meaningless. If women cannot define female-only spaces around biological sex, then “woman” has lost the legal coherence that made women’s rights possible in the first place.
This decision should be overturned, and the law should be clarified: sex means biological sex where single-sex spaces, services, sports, and protections are concerned.
Without that correction, women are being told to move aside in the name of inclusion.
They have heard that instruction before.
Gender ideology did not arise because women demanded equality. That charge is lazy, and more importantly, false.
Women wanting legal equality, bodily safety, political representation, equal pay, and freedom from male coercion did not cause male people to be admitted into women’s sports, prisons, shelters, changing rooms, or lesbian dating spaces. Ordinary feminism is not responsible for male opportunism. Men who exploit weak boundaries do not need a seminar in feminist theory before trying the door.
But institutions are different. They often need language, policy frameworks, and moral justifications before they surrender boundaries they once understood perfectly well.
That is where the harder question begins.
Some ideas developed inside feminist theory helped create vulnerabilities that gender ideology later exploited. This is not the same as saying feminism “caused” the problem. It is saying that ideas have consequences, including unintended ones. A concept built for one purpose can be repurposed for another; a tool designed to loosen an unjust constraint can also be used to dissolve a necessary distinction.
That is the part many people would rather not examine.
One side wants to say feminism caused the whole mess. Too crude. The other wants to say feminism had nothing whatsoever to do with it. Too convenient. The truth is less satisfying, and probably closer because of it.
Feminist credentials are not the issue here. Truth is.
Feminism makes public claims about sex, power, language, law, institutions, rights, and the body. Those claims do not become immune to scrutiny because they are made in the name of women, and criticisms do not become invalid because of who makes them. A serious movement should want its ideas tested. If an argument is wrong, answer it: show the missing evidence, the bad inference, the false premise.
Dismissing criticism through identity-checking is not analysis. It is a way of avoiding analysis.
Oddly enough, that should be a feminist point. If feminism rejects reducing people’s minds to their sex, then sex cannot become a veto when the argument becomes inconvenient.
The first mechanism was the separation of sex from gender.
At its best, this distinction did useful work. Being female does not require liking pink, wanting babies, wearing dresses, being passive, or arranging your personality around male approval. Feminists were right to attack those scripts. Biology is real, but sex roles are not destiny.
The danger was not the distinction itself. The danger came when gender stopped meaning “social expectations imposed on sex” and started meaning an inner truth separable from sex. Once that shift happened, the old feminist critique became available for a very different project. What began as an attack on stereotypes could now be used as a theory of identity overriding the body.
The second mechanism was social constructionism.
There was a legitimate insight here too. “Womanhood” has always carried social meanings layered on top of female biology. Societies attach expectations to women’s bodies, labour, sexuality, motherhood, modesty, obedience, beauty, and public authority. Feminism needed language for that. It needed to be able to say: these rules are not nature. They are social arrangements, and they can be challenged.
Fair enough.
The problem came when the analysis slid from “many meanings attached to sex are constructed” into “sexed categories themselves are political constructs.” That is a very different claim. If womanhood is primarily a social role, discourse, or identity, then why can’t a male person enter it by declaration?
That question did not appear from nowhere. The ground had been softened.
The third mechanism was suspicion of biology.
Feminists had good historical reasons to distrust biological arguments. “Nature” has been used to deny women education, property rights, professional status, sexual autonomy, and political authority. Biology was often weaponized as destiny, so the suspicion was not irrational.
But rejecting biological determinism is not the same thing as rejecting biological reality.
Women are not oppressed because they like dolls, fail to “lean in” properly, or possess some mystical feminine essence. Women are vulnerable as a class because female bodies matter materially. Pregnancy, birth, lactation, menstruation, physical vulnerability, reproductive control, and male sexual access are not floating social metaphors; they are part of the material reality around which women’s oppression has historically been organized.
A feminism that cannot say “female” without flinching cannot defend women.
The fourth mechanism was standpoint hardening.
“Listen to women” is good advice. Women know things about harassment, fear, pregnancy, exclusion, motherhood, male violence, and sex-based vulnerability that cannot be captured from a distance. Lived experience matters because it can reveal what abstract theory misses.
But experience is evidence, not sovereignty.
A useful corrective hardens into a veto when “listen to women” becomes “you cannot question this because you are not one of us.” At that point, the claim is no longer being tested. The speaker’s credentials are checked, the conclusion is presumed, and the disagreement is treated as a social violation.
This is also where the overlap with gender activism becomes hard to miss.
Gender activists often do not answer objections; they rename them. “Bigotry,” “erasure,” “literal violence,” “no debate,” and “trans women are women” can all describe real things in some contexts. The issue is not whether the words are always false. The issue is what happens when they are used as substitutes for argument.
Then they do not test a claim. They quarantine it. The person raising the objection is not answered; they are placed outside the moral community.
The same habit appears whenever feminist criticism is rejected because of who made it rather than what was said. Maybe the argument is wrong. Then show where. But identity does not settle the question. Evidence does.
The fifth mechanism was coalition loyalty.
Many feminist institutions embedded themselves inside broader progressive coalitions. That brought energy, money, institutional access, and moral prestige, but it also created a loyalty problem. Once gender identity became a sacred progressive cause, dissent became dangerous.
Women who objected were not answered. They were branded as bigots, fascists, transphobes, unsafe women, right-wing collaborators, or whatever label was most useful that week.
That is how organizations founded to defend women ended up defending males in women’s spaces while calling it liberation. They had trained themselves to treat coalition belonging as moral proof, so when the coalition turned against sex-based rights, too many lacked either the nerve or the language to resist.
This matters because gender ideology did not win by argument alone. It won through institutions. HR departments, schools, medical bodies, activist organizations, media outlets, professional regulators, and law all played their parts. Queer theory supplied much of the more radical conceptual machinery. Bureaucracy turned it into policy. Social media turned dissent into reputational danger.
But some feminist concepts weakened the walls before the push came.
That is the uncomfortable part.
The tragedy is that many women saw the danger early and were told to shut up by institutions claiming to speak for them. They were not confused, hysterical, or hateful for noticing that sex-based rights require sex-based categories. They were pointing at the load-bearing wall while the renovation crew was already swinging hammers.
The repair begins with honesty.
Women are female humans. Sex is real. Sex roles are not destiny. Biology is not oppression. Lived experience matters, but it does not outrank evidence. Coalitions are useful only while they remain answerable to reality.
This is not an argument against women’s rights. It is an argument against refusing to audit the theories that claimed to speak for women.
Feminism does not have to accept hostile caricatures of itself. But it does have to face the places where its own language, assumptions, and institutional loyalties were turned against its central subject.
Test the claim. Follow the mechanism. Face the consequences.
This is how activists frame their lies and misdirection.
Here is their bullshittery in full:
The introduction of new rules restricting participation in women’s sport categories to “biological females”, determined through mandatory genetic screening and testing, imposes exclusionary criteria. These measures not only bar transgender women from competition, but target and disqualify cisgender women with differences in sex development.
This policy will apply to the Los Angeles 2028 Olympic Games and beyond, despite the absence of clear evidence that any transgender women were poised to participate in those Games. The IOC’s approach aligns itself with the U.S. government’s 2025 executive order “Keeping Men Out of Women’s Sports” which threatened to withdraw funding from organizations that permit transgender athletes to compete and to deny visas to certain athletes seeking to participate in the Los Angeles Olympics. The convergence of international sport governance with exclusionary state policy raises serious concerns about the politicization of athletic participation and the erosion of independent, rights-respecting governance.
“While framed as a measure to ensure fairness, this policy imposes exclusionary criteria that will disproportionately harm transgender women and also place cisgender women at risk, particularly those with natural biological variations,” says Aaden Pearson, Trans Rights Legal Fellow at the Canadian Civil Liberties Association. “The policy authorizes intrusive scrutiny of women’s bodies and asserts authority over who gets to participate as a ‘real’ woman under the guise of regulation.”
This policy will have detrimental impact on Canadian athletes that may be barred from participating in the Olympics because of this policy who otherwise would qualify to represent Canada.
A rights-respecting approach to sport must be grounded in inclusion, evidence, and proportionality. Fairness and human dignity are not mutually exclusive. The legitimacy of sport depends on ensuring that all athletes are able to participate without discrimination.
The CCLA calls on the IOC and national sporting bodies to:
- Immediately reconsider the implementation of these eligibility rules;
- Ensure that any policies governing participation in sport are evidence-based, proportionate, and consistent with international human rights obligations; and
- Uphold the principle that sport must be accessible to all, without discrimination.
The legitimacy of sport depends not only on fairness in competition, but on fairness in access. Policies that exclude, surveil, and stigmatize athletes have no place in a rights-respecting sporting system.”
————————
When a civil liberties organization cannot define a category, it cannot defend a right.
That is the move.
The IOC’s policy does not abolish sport as a “human right.” It sets an eligibility rule for the female category: from LA 2028 onward, athletes in that category must pass a one-time SRY gene screen, using saliva, a cheek swab, or blood. Athletes who do not qualify are still eligible for male, mixed, or open categories. This is not exclusion from sport. It is boundary enforcement within sport.
That distinction is the entire argument, and the CCLA refuses to engage it.
Instead, it leans on the language of “inclusion” as though inclusion means entitlement to every category. But sport has never worked that way. Weight classes exclude. Age divisions exclude. Paralympic classifications exclude. Women’s sport exists because sex matters. Calling sex-based eligibility “exclusionary” does not answer that reality. It simply renames the boundary and hopes no one notices.
The claim that the policy “targets cisgender women with differences in sex development” is similarly evasive. The IOC framework uses SRY screening because it is strong evidence of male development. World Boxing’s policy is explicit: eligibility for the women’s category excludes athletes with Y-chromosome material or male androgenization. The relevant question is not whether someone identifies as a woman, but whether they have undergone male development. The CCLA substitutes sympathetic language for that question rather than answering it.
The argument about there being no “clear evidence” of transgender women poised to compete in LA 2028 is weaker still. Rules are not written only after a problem becomes numerically large. They are written to clarify the category before competition begins. “There aren’t many” is not an argument against having a rule. It is an admission that the rhetoric is disproportionate to the scale of the issue.
“It treats female sport as though it were an access program rather than a sex-based category.”
The claim of “intrusive scrutiny” is also inflated. The IOC’s first-line test is a one-time genetic screen using saliva, cheek swab, or blood. That is not the same thing as the mid-20th century abuses activists like to invoke. A serious civil-liberties analysis would distinguish between limited modern verification and historical excess. This statement deliberately blurs them.
And then there is the core contradiction. The CCLA says fairness and dignity are not mutually exclusive. That is true. But it follows that female athletes can be treated with dignity and retain a protected category that excludes males. The CCLA resolves this tension by dissolving the category instead. In practice, its position requires female athletes to absorb the cost: compromised fairness, weakened boundaries, and—in contact sports—elevated risk.
That is not a neutral rights framework.
It is a redefinition of rights in which access to the female category is prioritized, and the integrity of that category is treated as negotiable.
A civil liberties organization should be able to state the purpose of a category before it critiques its rules. The CCLA does not. It treats the female category as a site for validating identity claims rather than as a sporting class organized around sex.
Once that happens, the conclusion is pre-determined.
Female boundaries become suspect.
Enforcement becomes cruelty.
And reality becomes something to be managed with language.
There are sermons that call men to humility, mercy, and repentance. Then there are sermons like this one: small, cruel, and drunk on power.In August 2025, a sermon by Taliban cleric Mahmood Zakeri circulated widely online. In it, he declared that a woman has no right to walk outside with both eyes open, and that if one eye remains uncovered it may be used only to watch the path, not to look around. He also reaffirmed the rule that women must leave home only with a male guardian.
That is not holiness. It is not modesty. It is the religious language of domination.
The point is not simply to cover women. It is to reduce them. A woman may see, but not look. She may move, but not appear. She may exist, but only under supervision. This is what tyranny looks like when it becomes intimate. It does not stop at law or force. It enters the body, the face, the eyes, and the terms of ordinary presence.
The Taliban’s rule over women has followed this logic from the start. Women and girls have been pushed out of school, work, and public life. They have been made dependent, restricted, and vulnerable by design. This sermon matters because it states the regime’s purpose with unusual bluntness. The goal is not public morality. The goal is female submission.
And this is where religion is being degraded along with women.
Islam is being used here not as a path to righteousness, but as a warrant for male control. Scripture and clerical authority are being conscripted to make domination sound sacred. That is one of the oldest abuses of religion: to take what should humble the strong and turn it into a weapon against the weak.
No serious moral society should accept that disguise. A woman is not a source of pollution to be hidden, escorted, monitored, and diminished. She is not male property. She is not a household object under external management. She is a human being. Any system that denies that is evil, whatever language it wraps around itself.
There is something especially repellent in the pettiness of it. Afghanistan has been battered by poverty, war, loss, and instability. Women there have already lost freedom, education, work, and legal protection. Faced with all that suffering, this cleric’s great moral concern is whether a woman may use both eyes.
That is not spiritual seriousness. It is sadism dressed as virtue.
When religion rots into ideology, this is what happens. The faith is no longer used to discipline pride or protect the vulnerable. It is used to flatter male authority and train women into fear. It becomes less a way to honor God than a system for breaking human beings into obedience.
A healthy religion reminds men that they are not God. The Taliban uses religion to tell them they may act like gods over women.
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